Members of the Jewish police were not the only ones who served the Germans; some Jews acted

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37 Michael Temchin, The Witch Doctor: Memoirs of a Jewish Partisan (New York: Holocaust Library, 1983), 54–55.

38 Testimony of Mordechaj Jonisz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 302, number 141.

39 A Polish woman from Chmielnik recalled a popular Jewish saying: “Gdy przyjdzie Ruski zabraknie na was powrózki,” which translates roughly as “When the Russians arrive there won’t be enough rope [to hang the Poles] “or “When the Russians come, they will run out of halters for all of you.” See Marek Maciągowski and Piotr Krawczyk, Żydzi w historii Chmielnika (Kielce: F.P.H.U. XYZ, 2006), 194; Marek Maciągowski and Piotr Krawczyk, The Story of Jewish Chmielnik (Kielce: XYZ and Town and Municipality Office in Chmielnik, 2007), 190. A Jew in the Warsaw ghetto recorded how his Jewish friends had attempted to malign and turn him away from his Polish acquaintance. See Marta Markowska, ed., Archiwum Ringelbluma: Dzień po dniu Zagłady (Warsaw: Ośrodek Karta, Dom Spotkań z Historią, and Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, 2008), 141.

40 Until the fall of 1943 Danish Jews were unmolested. SS general Dr. Werner Best, the German in charge in Denmark, gave a free hand to Georg Ferdinand Duckwitz, the martime attaché at the German embassy in Copenhagen, to do whatever was necessary to derail the planned deportation of the Jews. Duckwitz flew to Sweden, where he secretly met with President Per Albin Hannson. The Swedish president assured him that should the action against the Danish Jews take place, Sweden would in principle be ready to admit them. When the round-up of Jews was about to begin, Duckwitz alerted the Swedish government to be ready to admit the fleeing Jews. The local German naval command warned the Danish underground of the impending fate of the Jews, disabled the German harbour patrol, and turned a blind eye to the rescue operation. The Jews who were transported to Sweden by Danish boatmen were allowed entry. Since the rescue operation took place with the connivance of the local German naval command, there were no casualties either among the Jews or among the boatmen. During the initial stages of the rescue operation, only well-to-do Danish Jews could afford the short passage to Sweden. Private boatmen set their own price and the costs were prohibitive, ranging from 1,000 to 10,000 kroner per person ($160 to $1600 U.S. in the currency of that period). Afterward, when organized Danish rescue groups stepped in to coordinate the flight and to collect funds, the average price per person fell to 2,000 and then 500 kroner. The total cost of the rescue operation was about 12 million kroner, of which the Jews paid about 7 million kroner, including a 750,000 kroner loan which the Jews had to repay after the war. See Mordecai Paldiel, The Righteous Among the Nations (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem; New York: Collins, 2007), 105–109; Leni Yahil, The Rescue of Danish Jewry: Test of a Democracy (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1969), 261–65, 269. While the Danish rescue is constantly extolled without reference to the minimal risk it posed for the rescuers and the handsome compensation they took, conversely, the Polish rescue effort is deprecated without reference to the death penalty the Germans imposed on the Poles for providing any form of assistance to Jews and the fact that hundreds, if not thousands, of Poles paid with their lives for helping Jews.

41 Several examples from Warsaw are cited in Barbara Engelking and Jan Grabowski, “Żydów łamiących prawo należy karać śmiercią!”: “Przetępczość” Żydów w Warszawie 1939–1942 (Warsaw: Stowarzyszenie Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów, 2010), 120–32. A Jew from Skałat recalled: “With the help of Yitzhak Bekman, a draftsman and engraver, we copied various official stamps, removed old photos from the documents, replaced them with new ones, and applied the proper stamps. In that way we set up a factory for false papers. During the course of three months we created papers for over five hundred Jews. They came from Tarnopol, Czortkow [Czortków] and even from Lwow [Lwów]. They came from all over eastern Poland. With the large volume of work I found it necessary to return to the Town Hall [to get more documents] a few more times. Every document required tax stamps from the town government, for which I paid the town official, Czapkowski, 250 zlotys [złoty] each. For my part, I accepted from 500 to 1,000 zlotys for a complete set of papers, although in many cases I gave them away for free.” See Abraham Weissbrod, Death of a Shtetl, Internet; , translation of J. Kaplan, Es shtarbt a shtetl: Megiles Skalat (Munich: Central Historical Commission of the Central Committee of Liberated Jews in the U.S. Zone of Germany, 1948), 34–35. In Stryj: “Two well dressed young fellows, who did not look like Jews, entered the Ghetto from the Aryan Quarter. They came from Warsaw and with them they brought the Aryan document plague. They sold birth certificates, documents of the Meldungsamt (Registration Office) and the ‘Arbeitsamt’ Labour Office in Warsaw. All the client had to do was to give them any Polish name he chose, two photographs and a down payment. Five days later they brought false Aryan papers from Warsaw. A number of persons, particularly those who did not have a Jewish appearance and spoke Polish well, purchased these bargains, and carefully learned the Christian Paternoster by heart. For if they were not certain of anyone they caught, the Police would tell him to say a prayer. With the aid of these forged documents, they hoped to be able to leave for another town before the liquidation of the Ghetto. The Germans discovered this trick as well. Strict watch was kept at the railway station. First they inspected all documents and stared straight in the eyes of the passengers. Afterwards they physically examined those they suspected. Jews and Jewesses by the hundreds were hung in the railway stations. Only a handful of those who tried to escape from Stryj to Warsaw succeeded in saving themselves with the false documents.” See Jonah Friedler, “The Death of a Community,” Chapter 5, in N. Kudish, ed., Sefer Stryj (Tel Aviv: Former residents of Stryj in Israel, 1962), 50ff., (English section). Helena Sygal purchased her original Aryan identity documents from a Jew in Lwów. See “Halina Oleksiuk,” The Righteous Database, Yad Vashem, Internet:
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