Tohono Affirmative – ddi 2015 sws

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In order to commit these atrocities, Border Patrol agents separate the Tohono from their human and cultural identity.

Miller 14 (Todd Miller has researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration issues for NACL, Todd Miller, 4-22-2014, "Tomgram: Todd Miller, The Creation of a Border Security State," Tomdispatch,,_the_creation_of_a_border_security_state/)TB

Between the unbridled enthusiasm of the vendors with their techno-optimistic “solutions” and the reality of border life in the Tohono O’odham Nation -- or for that matter just about anywhere along the 2,000-mile divide -- the chasm couldn’t be wider. On the reservation back in 2012, Longoria called in the GPS coordinates of the unknown dead woman, as so many agents have done in the past and will undoubtedly do in the years to come. Headquarters in Tucson contacted the Tohono O’odham tribal police. The agents waited in the baking heat by the motionless body. When the tribal police pulled up, they took her picture, as they have done with other corpses so many times before. They rolled her over and took another picture. Her body was, by now, deep purple on one side. The tribal police explained to Longoria that it was because the blood settles there. They brought out a plastic body bag. “Pseudo-speciation,” Longoria told me. That, he said, is how they deal with it. He talked about an interview he’d heard with a Vietnam vet on National Public Radio, who said that to deal with the dead in war, “you have to take a person and change his genus. Give him a whole different category. You couldn’t stand looking at these bodies, so you detach yourself. You give them a different name that detracts from their humanness.” The tribal police worked with stoic faces. They lifted the body of this woman, whose past life, whose story, whose loved ones were now on another planet, onto a cart attached to an all-terrain vehicle and headed off down a bumpy dirt road with the body bouncing up and down.

This is an impact in and of itself – the result is domination, slavery, and every form of evil.
Katz 97 (Katheryn D. Katz, prof. of law - Albany Law School, 1997, Albany Law Journal, |||edited for g-lang|||)
It is undeniable that throughout human history dominant and oppressive groups have committed unspeakable wrongs against those viewed as inferior. Once a person (or a people) has been characterized as sub-human, there appears to have been no limit to the cruelty that was or will be visited upon|||them||| him. For example, in almost all wars, hatred towards the enemy was inspired to justify the killing and wounding by separating the enemy from the human race, by casting them as unworthy of human status. This same rationalization has supported: genocide, chattel slavery, racial segregation, economic exploitation, caste and class systems, coerced sterilization of social misfits and undesirables, unprincipled medical experimentation, the subjugation of women, and the social Darwinists' theory justifying indifference to the poverty and misery of others.

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The Border Patrol’s very presence on the land occupied by the Tohono is psychological warfare and their violence toward the natives constitutes genocide.

Rivas, 6(Ofelia, Tohono born and activist fighting for cultural freedom, Immigration, Imperialism and Cultural Genocide: An interview with O’odham Activist Ofelia Rivas concerning the effects of a proposed wall on the US / Mexico border, The Solidarity Project, interviewed by Jeff Hendrix,, Accessed 7/15/15) CH

Prior to the 9-11 “attack on America,” Washington D.C. politicians toured the border along the reservation and declared that they were not responsible for the existing 3 cattle fence, stating that the Unites States government marked the border only with markers. (The tribe was seeking federal assistance to repair the cattle fence along the border due to cattle rustling and increase of drug trafficking). But now, after 9-11, the reservation is under the department of homeland security control, a police state, just like apartheid in South Africa. O’odham now have to carry documents to prove they are O’odham in order to move around on their own lands. The reservation is now closed off to the media and anyone voicing resistance against this situation face serious consequences such as harassment, arrest and a loss of public services from the tribal programs. One example of this harassment is my personal case. The non-O’odham tribal police in my mother’s village along the international border arrested me. I was held in a police vehicle for an hour under interrogation by a policeman, while two border patrol vehicles blocked the entrance to my mother’s yard. I was told to cooperate or face five charges: failure to stop, failure to show I.D., interfering with the Border patrol and two counts of aggressive behavior toward an officer. I was un-handcuffed and told to get out of the vehicle countless times as different tribal police arrived. When one non-O’odham tribal police officer arrived he was told there was a little misunderstanding and it was resolved. This causes me to seriously question the governments’ motives, they are trying to outright pacify the O’odham. They violate every protected human right we have and ignore our specific indigenous aboriginal rights. They control O’odham lands through psychological warfare. One major “problem” that has not been discussed, is the unknown number of young O’odham incarcerated in federal and state prisons who have become victims of this “operation gatekeeper.” The O’odham reservation has 97 percent unemployment – young people have been forced into drug trafficking and human trafficking to buy their “American dream.” Many of these young people are given severe sentences and do not receive legal assistance from the tribal system. Many of these young people have never been arrested or committed any offenses but now sit in prison awaiting sentences. The young people returning from prison are forced into halfway houses and are not allowed to return home to their families, they completely lose all rights as citizens of the United States. This is a conspiracy to force the total assimilation of the O’odham and neutralize the O’odham lands. This psychological warfare on the O’odham is genocide, a genocide that many will not realize until generations to come.

Identification Cards exist in the status quo, but the Border Patrol ignores them, continuing the constant harassment the Tohono face.

Amnesty International 12

(Amnesty International,Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights, 3-28-2012, "USA: In Hostile Terrain: Human rights violations in immigration enforcement in the US Southwest," Amnesty International USA,, pp. 25) CH

They usually ask to see my ID and where I am going. It’s almost the same questions every time. ‘Where are you from? What are you going to do?’ Sometimes they speak Spanish to me; sometimes they speak English. They will sometimes ask, ‘Are you Papago or O’odham? Are you Mexican?’ They never speak O’odham to me, but when I speak O’odham, they don’t know what to do. On some of the other ports of entry, they don’t recognize O’odham people. I recognize the work that they have to do, but they don’t respect the people and continually ask where we’re from. I’m tired of it. They have been here all of this time, they should understand us better. Some of the agents who are here regularly began to recognize me and treated me better, but others, those are the ones who don’t recognize my Tribal ID card and don’t let me in.” Sylvester Valenzuela, a citizen of the Tohono O’odham Nation, who was born in the USA but lives in Mexico. He has a Tribal ID card, which he uses to cross the border several times a week.85 Federally recognized Tribes such as the Tohono O’odham Nation in Arizona can issue their citizens with Tribal Identification Cards which are recognized as legitimate forms of identification that can be used for border crossing. The US government began working with Tribes to provide new, enhanced Tribal ID cards that contain microchips and can be used for crossing international land borders.86 However, there are concerns that some Tribal members may not qualify because, for example, they cannot provide a birth certificate.87 Even those individuals with Tribal ID cards may encounter problems as Border Patrol agents sometimes question the validity or do not accept Tribal ID as a valid form of documentation for crossing the border.8

Border surveillance is the problem—it constitutes its own surveillance state

Miller 13 (Todd, researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration issues for NACLA Report, “Surveillance Surge on the Border: How to Turn the US-Mexican Border into a War Zone,”, //rck)

This “border surge,” a phrase coined by Senator Chuck Schumer, is also a surveillance surge. The Senate bill provides for the hiring of almost 19,000 new Border Patrol agents, the building of 700 additional miles of walls, fences, and barriers, and an investment of billions of dollars in the latest surveillance technologies, including drones. In this, the bill only continues in a post-9/11 tradition in which our southern divide has become an on-the-ground laboratory for the development of a surveillance state whose mission is already moving well beyond those borderlands. Calling this “immigration reformis like calling the National Security Agency’s expanding global surveillance system a domestic telecommunications upgrade. It’s really all about the country that the United States is becoming -- one of the police and the policed.

Border security has become an occupying army and checkpoints are a unique manifestation of violence

Miller 13 (Todd, researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration issues for NACLA Report, “Surveillance Surge on the Border: How to Turn the US-Mexican Border into a War Zone,”, //rck)

As you walk, perhaps you step on implanted sensors, creating a beeping noise in some distant monitoring room. Meanwhile, green-striped Border Patrol vehicles rush by constantly. On the U.S.-Mexican border, there are already more than 18,500 agents (and approximately 2,300 more on the Canadian border). In counterterrorism mode, they are paid to be suspicious of everything and everybody. Some Homeland Security vehicles sport trailers carrying All Terrain Vehicles. Some have mounted surveillance cameras, others cages to detain captured migrants. Some borderlanders like Mike Wilson of the Tucson-based Border Action Network, a member of the Tohono O’odham Nation (a Native American people and the original inhabitants of the Arizona borderlands), call the border security operatives an “occupying army.” Checkpoints -- normally located 20-50 miles from the international boundary -- serve as a second layer of border enforcement. Stopped at one of them, you will be interrogated by armed agents in green, most likely with drug-sniffing dogs. If you are near the international divide, it’s hard to avoid such checkpoints where you will be asked about your citizenship -- and much more if anything you say or do, or simply the way you look, raises suspicions. Even outside of the checkpoints, agents of the Department of Homeland Security can pull you over for any reason -- without probable cause or a warrant -- and do what is termed a “routine search.” As a U.S. Border Patrol agent told journalist Margaret Regan, within a hundred miles of the international divide, there's an asterisk on the Constitution.” Off-road forward operating bases offer further evidence of the battlefield atmosphere being created near the border. Such outposts became commonplace during the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, where they were meant to house U.S. soldiers deployed into remote areas. On the border, there are high-tech yet rudimentary camps that serve the same purpose. They also signal how agents of the Department of Homeland Security are “gaining, maintaining, and expanding” into rural areas traversed by migrants and used by smugglers, though to this point never crossed by a known international terrorist.

Citizenship or laws mean nothing—CBP existence on the border constitutes violence

Miller 14 (Todd, researched and written about U.S.-Mexican border issues for more than 10 years. He has worked on both sides of the border for BorderLinks in Tucson, Arizona, and Witness for Peace in Oaxaca, Mexico. He now writes on border and immigration issues for NACLA Report, “Surveillance Surge on the Border: How to Turn the US-Mexican Border into a War Zone,”, //rck)

Instead of acknowledging Garcia’s question, the agent orders him to produce some ID. Garcia pulls out his tribal membership card. The agent looks from the photo to Garcia several times, making a point of his doubt and suspicion. “It’s me,” Garcia says, now visibly impatient. “What is your citizenship?” the agent asks. Tohono O’odham,” Garcia responds. This could get good, I think to myself. But the agent doesn’t bite. He releases Garcia from his gaze and instructs me to state my citizenship. I tell him that I am a citizen of the United States. “And who is this friend?” the agent asks, again. But this time I sense more in his voice than mere disbelief that we have a mutual friend. At first I can’t tell what it is, but his tone and mannerisms—simmering with aggression and suspicion—seem to be another example of what everyday life can be like for the Tohono O’odham Nation when the U.S. Border Patrol imposes its authority. And this is what I have come here to learn. Perhaps it is naive on my part to think that the agent would treat us better once he saw that Garcia was Tohono O’odham and that we are on his sovereign ancestral land. For one thing, even though I am a professional journalist, I am prohibited (by the Tohono O’odham Nation) from traveling off-road on the reservation without the accompaniment of a member of the nation. However, the agent does not treat us any better. If anything, his suspicion deepens. Racial profiling seems to be in play: a Native and non-Native out in the middle of nowhere, but so close to the border, need to be examined closely. That the U.S. government recognizes the Tohono O’odham Nation as a “distinct, independent political” community with a highly qualified sense of sovereignty seems to mean little to this agent. He doesn’t appear to be aware that another body of laws, voted on by the O’odham and its legislative council, govern the land where he is standing. Or maybe it just doesn’t matter to him. According to the U.S. government, the international border that exists on Native American land is at many points “vulnerable” to unauthorized entry. In the post-9/11 era, this sloppy, porous patch of border, in the government’s eyes, is a full-fledged national security threat. However, what I will learn is something that isn’t explicitly stated in publicly accessible government documents: it isn’t just the people who are searching for work or smuggling narcotics, but also the Tohono O’odham themselves who seem to be considered “foreign.” This “messy” but ancient world of familial, social, political, economic, and spiritual cross-border community flies in the face of the black-and-white, good-and-bad nature of border security. The tone of the federal agent’s voice makes everything crystal clear. He is in control, and he is just one of hundreds there to use borders, gates, guns, and a grid of global surveillance to enforce the hard fact that the United States of America trumps Tohono O’odham sovereignty and security—and anyone else’s for that matter—like it or not.
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