, translated from Elhanan Erlich, ed., Sefer Staszow (Tel Aviv: Former Residents of Staszów in Israel and in the Diaspora, 1962), xxv ff. (Staszów), 633 ff (Połaniec); Zylberberg, A Warsaw Diary, 1939–1945, 89–90, 152, 157 (Warsaw); Hersh Gotthelf, “A Few Words,” in Shtein, ed., Memorial Book of Sochaczew, 478ff. (Warsaw); Horowitz, Of Human Agony, 139; H. Rabin, ed., Lizhensk: Sefer zikaron le-kedoshei Lizhensk she-nispu be-shoat ha-natsim (Tel Aviv: Former Residents of Lezajsk in Israel, 1970), 46ff., translated as Memorial Book of the Martyrs of Lezajsk Who Perished in the Holocaust, Internet: (Tarnogród); Shtokfish, Sefer Drohiczyn, 29ff. (English section) (a policeman from Drohiczyn); Nachum Boneh, ed., Pinsk sefer edut ve-zikaron le-kehilat Pinsk-Karlin, 3 volumes (Tel Aviv: Former Residents of Pinsk-Karlin in Israel, 1966–1977), translated as History of the Jews of Pinsk, Internet: , Part One, Chapter 10 (a Polish policeman who by chance found a Jewish woman hiding in the home of a Pole in Pińsk advised her to move to a village); Paul Trepman, Among Men and Beasts (New York: A.S. Barnes and Company, 1978), 96–98; Meed, On Both Sides of the Wall, 96, 100, 109, 115, 124, 130–32, 168–70 (Warsaw); Sarah Blattberg-Cooper, “My Memories from the Bloodiest Era of My People’s History,” in Sefer zikaron le-kehilat Mielec: Sipur hashmadat ha-kehila ha-yehudit (New York: Mielec Yizkor Book Committee, 1979), translated as Remembering Mielec: The Destruction of the Jewish Community, Internet: (Połaniec); Trunk, Jewish Responses to Nazi Persecution, 183 (Warsaw); Breitowicz, Through Hell To Life, 54, 56 (Rzeszów); Tennenbaum, Zloczow Memoir, 238 (Jelechowice near Złoczów); Chaika Grossman, The Underground Army: Fighters of the Bialystok Ghetto (New York: Holocaust Library, 1987), 105; Kagan, Szydlowiec Memorial Book, 234 (Warsaw), 328 (near Radom); Najberg, Ostatni powstańcy getta, 161 (Warsaw); Grynberg, Księga sprawiedliwych, 278, 326, 410 (all in Warsaw); Reiss, Z deszczu pod rynnę…, 140–41 (policeman in Skierniewice took a bribe to release a Jewish woman); Alina Margolis-Edelman, Ala z elementarza (London: Aneks, 1994), 110–11 (Warsaw); Grupińska, Po kole, 155 (Warsaw); Mark Verstanding, I Rest My Case (Melbourne: Saga Press, 1995), 166–67 (Warsaw); Rosenberg, To Tell at Last, 122 (Warsaw); Vladimir Levin and David Meltser, Chernaia kniga z krasnymi stranitsami: Tragediia i geroizm evreev Belorussii (Baltimore: Vestnik Information Agency, 1996), 315 (Lida); George Sten, Memoirs of a Survivor (Bondi Junction, New South Wales: n.p., 1996), 15 (Warsaw); Hochberg-Mariańska and Grüss, The Children Accuse, 113 (Kraków); Szereszewska, Memoirs from Occupied Warsaw, 1940–1945, 226, 259–60, 267–68 (Warsaw); Adam Neuman-Nowicki, Struggle for Life During the Nazi Occupation of Poland (Lewiston, New York; Queenston, Ontario; Lampeter, Ceredigion, Wales: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1998), 117 (Warsaw), 118 (Busko-Zdrój); Alina Margolis-Edelman, Tego, co mówili, nie powtórzę… (Wrocław, 1999), 113–14 (Warsaw); Klajman, Out of the Ghetto, 20 (Warsaw); John Munro, Bialystok to Birkenau: The Holocaust Journey of Michel Mielncki (Vancouver: Ronsdale Press and Vancouver Holocaust Education Centre, 2000), 122 (Prużana); Sabina Rachel Kałowska, Uciekać, aby żyć (Lublin: Norbertinum, 2000), 88–92 (Jędrzejów); Ungar and Chanoff, Destined to Live, 217 (railroad police); Isakiewicz, Harmonica, 220 (Warsaw), 250 (Kraków); Marcel Reich-Ranicki, The Author of Himself: The Life of Marcel Reich-Ranicki (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2001), 193 (Warsaw—while Polish police officers kept their word, the author notes at p. 192 that a Jewish police officer cheated him); Siekierski, Żyli wśród nas…, 108 (“Blue” policemen in Warsaw took bribes to allow Jews to leave the ghetto and avoid apprehension by the Gestapo), as confirmed in Jerzy Krupinski, My Four Lives (St. Kilda, Victoria: Vista, 2001); Joseph Rosenberg, My Name is Józef Nowak: The Life and Times of Joseph Rosenberg (Toronto: Lifestories, 2001), 36–37 (Warsaw); Grynberg, Words To Outlive Us, 323 (Warsaw); David Gilbert, as told to Tim Shortridge and Michael D. Frounfelter, No Place to Run: A True Story (London and Portland, Oregon: Vallentine, 2002), 156 (police in Warsaw allowed a Jewish woman to move after paying a bribe); Kruk, The Last Days of the Jerusalem of Lithuania, 289 (Woronów); Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 21 (Jurczak, a Polish Kripo agent in Drohobycz), 169 (Warsaw); Peter Duffy, The Bielski Brothers: The True Story of Three Men Who Defied the Nazis, Saved 1,200 Jews, and Built a Village in the Forest (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), 196 (Lida); account of Perla Liebeskind and Rajzla Działowska in Grynberg and Kotowska, Życie i zagłada Żydów polskich 1939–1945, 219 (Piotrków Trybunalski); Laskey, Night Voices, 59, 68 (Warsaw); Melchior, Zagłada a tożsamość, 170 (in two cases policemen relented and did not take in Jews whom they had apprehended when confronted by the bluntness or passivity of the victims); Gutman and Bender, Righteous Among the Nations, vol. 4: Poland, Part 1, 173 (a Blue policeman in Warsaw released a Jew after accepting a bribe), Part Two, 863 (a Blue policeman in Warsaw brought some Jews out of the ghetto after accepting a bribe); Entry for Irena Schultz, Polish Righteous: Those Who Risked Their Lives, Internet: ; Zylbersztajn, A gdyby to było Wasze dziecko?, 27 (Warsaw), 43–44 (Bolesty); Skwara, Pruszkowscy Żydzi, 194 (a Blue policemen allowed a group of Jews to flee from the Warsaw ghetto after taking a bribe); Engelking, Leociak, and Libionka, Prowincja noc, 181 (policemen in Falenica near Warsaw took bribes to cover up an illegal bakery, meat processing operation, and large-scale smuggling); Hurman, Pod osłoną nocy, 39 (the police commander in Stanin near Łuków took a bribe to release a Jew who was illegally in the town; both Polish and Jewish police took part in a joint operation to capture illegal Jews); Eugene Bergman, Survival Artist: A Memoir of the Holocaust (Jefferson, North Carolina and London: McFarland, 2009), 58, 79 (policemen were regularly bribed to enter and leave the ghetto illegally); Busgang, Działoszyce Memorial Book, 258 (near Kraków); Engelking and Grabowski, “Żydów łamiących prawo należy karać śmiercią!”, 169 (Warsaw); Aleksandra Bańkowska, ed., Archiwum Ringelbluma: Konspiracyjne Archiwum Getta Warszawskiego, vol. 6: Generalne Gubernatorstwo: Relacje i dokumenty (Warsaw: Żydowski Instytut Historyczny im. Emanuela Ringelbluma, 2012), 539 (Warsaw); Jerzy Mizgalski and Jerzy Sielski, eds., The Jews of Częstochowa: The Fate of Częstochowa Jews 1945–2009 (Toruń: Adam Marszałek, 2012), 219 (Częstochowa). Several examples of Polish policemen taking bribes to release Jews are found in Engelking, Jest taki piękny słoneczny dzień…, 200–1. Felicja Czerniaków, the wife of the head of the Jewish Council in the Warsaw ghetto, was released after being apprehended on the Aryan side with false documents once the “Blue” police established her true identity. (The police retained her jewelry and some papers belonging to her husband which she recovered after the war.) See Joanna Szczęsna, “Reduta Adama Czerniakowa,” Gazeta Wyborcza, September 21–22, 2002. Margaret Acher, who was sheltered at a Catholic orphanage run by the Sisters of the Family of Mary in Płudy outside Warsaw recalls that, when a “Blue” policeman arrived one day demanding the mother superior denounce her many Jewish charges, she answered him: “Why don’t you do it yourself?” The policeman replied: “No, I can’t. I am a Catholic, I was baptized here. I don’t want to go to Hell …” The mother superior retorted: “Why would you want me to go to Hell in your place?” The policeman never dared to denounce the convent to the Germans. See Marek Halter, Stories of Deliverance: Speaking with Men and Women Who Rescued Jews from the Holocaust (Chicago and La Salle: Open Court, 1997), 17. Mirl Walmer-Biderman escaped escaped from the Czyżewo ghetto and went to a village near Zambrów where she had a Christian acquaintance. She worked there under a false identity. After she was denounced, a policeman from Czyżewo named Marciniak arrested her and pretended to execute her, but in fact allowed her to escape with the help of some farmers. See Mirl Walmer-Biderman, “My Experiences During the Years of the Second World War,” in Szymon Kanc, ed., Sefer Zikaron Czyzewo (Tel Aviv, Former Residents of Czyzewo in Israel and the USA, 1961), 1034–37, translated as Czyzewo Memorial Book, Internet: . Living in Warsaw on Aryan papers passing as Christians, Joseph Dattner and his fiancée were found in a hotel room; questioned by the police and caught in a lie, they bribed their way out by offering the police officers a piece of fabric. The police let him retain another piece of fabric, which he said he would need to bribe other police officers. See the interview with Joseph Dattner, dated December 20, 1988, Phoenix Holocaust Survivors’ Association in affiliation with the Cline Library of Northern Arizona University. Historian Raul Hilberg cites this example of a Polish policeman who confronted a German woman: “A Polish policeman did not wrestle for words. Talking to an ethnic German woman about Jewish children whose heads had been trampled, he asked her whether she was not ashamed. The woman, disturbed by what she had heard, racapitulated this conversation in an anonymous letter that reached the Reich Chancellery in Berlin.” See Raul Hilberg, Sources of Holocaust Research: An Analysis (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2001), 111; Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition, vol. 2, 519.
1074 Goldberg, The Undefeated, 120–21.
1075 Antoni Zambrowski, “Niczym rozmowa głuchych,” Antysocjalistyczne Mazowsze, June 9, 2005, posted online at: .
1076 Chodorska, Godni synowie naszej Ojczyzny, Part One, 29–30.
1077 Testimony of Zofia Skalska, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 3314.
1078 Grynberg, Księga sprawiedliwych, 379. The corresponding entry in Gutman and Bender, The Encyclopedia of the Righteous Among the Nations, vol. 5: Poland, Part 2, 838, fails to mention that the denouncer was a Jew.
1079 Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz, and Other Stories, 42.
1080 Ibid., 40–43. On p. 51, a survivor recounts the hatred, rivalry and in-fighting among Jews in Nazi camps.
1081 Budzyński, Miasto Schulza, 217, 338.
1082 Szereszewska, Memoirs from Occupied Warsaw, 1940–1945, 214.
1083 Ibid., 332, 337.
1084 Yehuda Nir, The Lost Childhood: A Memoir (San Diego, New York and London: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1989), 234–35.
1085 Ibid., 112, 129.
1086 Sołomian-Łoc, Getto i gwiazdy, 38.
1087 Schoenfeld, Holocaust Memoirs, 245–47.
1088 Hera, Polacy ratujący Żydów, 75.
1089 Gutman and Bender, The Encyclopedia of the Righteous Among the Nations, vol. 4: Poland, Part 1, 68.
1090 Zuckerman, A Surplus of Memory, 424–25; Rotem, Memoirs of a Warsaw Ghetto Fighter, 80–84. Unlike Zuckerman, Rotem does not mention that “Czarny” was a Jew. See also the Ghetto Fighters House Archives, Catalog No. 273, Registry No. 11081P, Internet: ; Zajączkowski,Martyrs of Charity, Part One, 260 (entry 607).
1091 Emuna Nachmany-Gafny, “The Fortunate Few,” Yalkult Moreshet: Holocaust Documentation and Research [Tel Aviv], vol. 2 (Winter 2004): 127–28; Testimony of Eleonora Prokopek, May 22, 1946, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 5225; Hera, Polacy ratujący Żydów, 150.
1092 Gutman, The Encyclopedia of the Righteous Among the Nations: Rescuers of Jews During the Holocaust: Supplementary Volumes (2000–2005), volume II, 607.
1093 Goldberg, Running Through Fire, 74–75.
1094 Halina Zylberman, Swimming Under Water (Caulfield South, Victoria: Makor Jewish Community Library, 2001), 30–31.
1095 Ibid., 71–72.
1096 Ibid., 86–87.
1097 Józef Garliński describes extortion directed at stores which served as drop-off points for the Polish underground in Warsaw. See Józef Garliński, Świat mojej pamięci (Warsaw: Volumen, 1992), 305–306. While living in the house of a Polish prostitute in Warsaw, Edward Reicher experienced this firsthand. One morning, two “policemen” came to her door. They were not trying to blackmail the woman for hiding a Jew (something that they did not know at the time), but for being a prostitute. They demanded a “tax” in exchange for not reporting, to the authorities, that she was a prostitute. When she refused, they threatened to denounce her, in which case, they threatened, she would end up paying twice as much. See Reicher, Country of Ash, 186–87.
1098 Historian Tomasz Szarota, an unequaled authority on occupied Warsaw, states unequivocally that szmalcowniks were on the margins of Polish society, a component that became more numerous because of wartime conditions. See Wojciech Klewiec interview with Tomasz Szarota, “Miasto paragrafu śmierci,” Rzeczpospolita, March 26–27, 2011. See also Marcin Zaremba, “‘Człowiek drży jak liść’—trwoga przed badytyzmem w okresie powojennym,” in Eisler, Niepiękny wiek XX, 375–76.
1099 Reich-Ranicki, The Author of Himself, 194. For a description of a “timid” szmalcownik see Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 197.
1100 Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 197.
1101 Gontarczyk, Polska Partia Robotnicza, 212 n.43. Members of the Communist underground were also caught robbing Jews during the final stages of the Warsaw ghetto. See Zuckerman, A Surplus of Memory, 304.
1102 Weissberg, I Remember…, 70. For other examples from Warsaw see Zuckerman, A Surplus of Memory, 441; Bronislawa Alland, Memoirs of a Hidden Child During the Holocaust: My Life During the War (Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen, 1992), 21 (the companions of a female szmalcownik did allow her to leave her victim without a coat); Reiss, Z deszczu pod rynnę…, 110; Reich-Ranicki, The Author of Himself, 194–97; Rosenberg, To Tell at Last, 122 (a crooked policeman).
1103 Natan Gross, Kim Pan jest, Panie Grymek? (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1991), 257. Translated into English as Natan Gross, Who Are You, Mr Grymek? (London and Portland, Oregon: Vallentine Mitchell, 2001. See also Melchior, Zagłada a tożsamość, 170.
1104 Cyprys, A Jump For Life, 140. Although there was no real risk of denunciation, the author explains: “Nonetheless the danger lay elsewhere. During his numerous drinking bouts he might blurt out to the more ruthless type and sooner or later the Jew would be done for.”
1105 Reiss, Z deszczu pod rynnę…, 122–23.
1106 Melchior, Zagłada a tożsamość, 194. A Jew from Mosty Wielkie and his brother were stopped in Warsaw by a blue policeman who demanded money. When this same policeman ran into the brother a year later he said: “You’re still alive? Get lost!” See Hersch Altman, On the Fields of Loneliness (New York and Jerusalem: Yad Vashem and The Holocaust Survivors’ Memoirs Project, 2006); Wiesław Piechocki, “Żyję dzięki ‘Sprawiedliwym wśród Narodów świata’: Wywiad z panem Jerzym Czarneckim,” Nowy Kurier (Toronto), November 2003. “The street urchins, whose only possessions were their meager clothing, did not attract any special attention from the shmalzers [szmalcowniki] (blackmailers who denounced Jews to the Germans) and were therefore in less danger than the adults.” When the Jewish boy cigarette sellers did experience threats of denunciation to the Germans, it was in order to try to force them to disclose the names and addresses of wealthy fugitive Jews. See Joseph Ziemian, The Cigarette Sellers of Three Crosses Square (Minneapolis: Lerner Publications, 1975), 14, 52–53, 64.
1107 For examples of bargaining with szmalcowniks see Janina Bauman, Winter in the Morning: A Young Girl’s Life in the Warsaw Ghetto and Beyond, 1939–1945 (London: Virago, 1986), 111–12, 118; Bakowska, Not All Was Lost, 173. For examples of szmalcowniks who befriended the Jews they extorted see Schoenfeld, Holocaust Memoirs, 245–47; Kaplan, I Never Left Janowska…, 74–80; Cyprys, A Jump for Life, 140; Reich-Ranicki, The Author of Himself, 195–96.
1108 Willenberg, Surviving Treblinka, 151–55.
1109 Grupińska, Po kole, 220.
1110 Katsh, Scroll of Agony, 63.
1111 Jan Grabowski, “Szmalcownicy warszawscy, 1939–1942,” Zeszyty Historyczne (Paris), no. 143 (2003): 85–117; Jan Grabowski, “Ja tego Żyda znam!”: Szantażowanie Żydow w Warszawie, 1939–1943 (Warsaw: IFiS PAN, 2004), especially 45–47, 86; Engelking and Grabowski, “Żydów łamiących prawo należy karać śmiercią!”, 56–61. See also Dorota Siepracka, “Mordercy Żydów przed nazistowski Sądem Specjalnym,” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość, no. 2 (6), 2004: 233–46. In his important commentary on Jan Grabowski’s study, Marek Wierzbicki points out that the gangs operating prior to 1942 targeted Jews and other victims not primarily because of their race, but because they were easy targets. Thus they were thus not classic szmalcowniks who threatened the Jews with denunciation to the Germans, but rather common bandits who could be punished under German law. See Marek Wierzbicki, “W kwestii szmalcownictwa w Warszawie w czasie II wojny światowej,” Zeszyty Historyczne, no. 148 (2004): 120–26. For an example of a hold-up ring in Warsaw consisting of German soldiers who were eventually apprehended by the German criminal police, see Brand, I Dared To Live, 20–27, 30–31. For an example of a group of German criminal police involved in a home invasion, see Sten, Memoirs of a Survivor, 25–26. Another case, based on the memoir of Helena Szereszewska, strongly suggests that Polish hooligans worked in the Warsaw ghetto in cooperation with Jews. See Levin, Walls Around, 76–77. Two well-known known rings of denouncers in Lwów also had ties to German officials and could, for payment, secure the release of persons arrested by the Germans. See Jones, Żydzi Lwowa w okresie okupacji 1939–1945, 185. For an account which suggests that a Ukrainian from Lwów was working in cahoots with szmalcowniks in Warsaw, see Christine Winecki, The Girl in the Check Coat: Survival in Nazi-Occupied Poland and a New Life in Australia (London and Portland, Oregon: Vallentine Mitchell, 2007), 69.
1112 Testimony of Maria Zadziewicz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 2225.
1113 German Special Courts also prosecuted Poles accused of harming Jews. See Dorota Sierpacka, “Mordercy Żydów przed nazistowskim Sądem Specjalnym,” Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość, vol. 6 (2004, no. 2): 233–46. Jewish police records in Częstochowa reveal that the Polish police were also frequently enlisted to curb crimes committed by Poles against Jews. See William Glicksman, “Daily Record Sheet of the Jewish Police (District I) in the Czestochowa Ghetto 1941–1942,” Yad Vashem Studies on the European Jewish Catastrophe and Resistance, vol. 6 (1967): 331–57, at 352–57.
1114 Jan Grabowski, “Jewish Defendants in German and Polish Courts in the Warsaw District, 1939–1942,” Yad Vashem Studies, vol. 35 (1) (2007): 49–80, here at 68–70, 80.
1115 Maximilian T.’s account appears in Schoenfeld, Holocaust Memoirs, at 240–42.
1116 Schoenfeld, Holocaust Memoirs, 237.
1117 Testimony of Ozjasz Landau, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 1146.
1118 Reiss, Z deszczu pod rynnę…, 106.
1119 Marion Andre’s account in the author’s possession.
1120 See Rosenberg, My Name is Józef Nowak, 34–36.
1121 Marianowicz, Życie surowo wzbronione, 115. That author confirms that Jews in hiding managed to establish good connections with various German agencies. Ibid., 116.
1122 Her account is found in Grupińska, Po kole, 152–54, and Grupińska, Ciągle po kole, 160.
1123 Melchior, Zagłada a tożsamość, 168.
1124 Goldberg, Running Through Fire, 62–63.
1125 Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 197–202.
1126 Gustaw Kerszman, Jak ginąć, to razem (Montreal: Polish-Jewish Heritage Foundation, 2003), 84–85.
1127 Keins, A Journey Through the Valley of Perdition, 131–32, 151, 179.
1128 Ibid., 145, 151, 154.
1129 Bartoszewski and Lewinówna, Ten jest z ojczyzny mojej, 461–62.
1130 Bartoszewski and Lewinówna, Ten jest z ojczyzny mojej, 568.
1131 Hempel, Pogrobowcy klęski, 179.
1132 Stanisławczyk, Czterdzieści twardych, 92. Grabowski also described how he tried in vain to find Jews in the Białystok and Wilno ghettos who were willing to run the risks involved in conspiratorial activities. Ibid., 92–94.
1133 Hirszfeld, Historia jednego życia, 286.
1134 Barbara Engelking, Na łące popiołów: Ocaleni z Holocaustu (Warsaw: Cyklady, 1993), 157.
1135 Peleg-Mariańska and Peleg, Witnesses, 150–51. Edward Reicher, who pretended to be a gentile in Warsaw, recalled the following act of defiance of the Germans by Poles when he boarded a tram: “On the steamed-up window, someone had written: ‘Your underpants may be lined with fur, but you’ll never win the war!’ It was clear the Poles lacked neither humor nor courage. A Jew would never have dared to use such words.” See Reicher, Country of Ash, 133.
1136 Israel Shahak, “The ‘Life of Death’: An Exchange,” New York Review of Books, January 29, 1987, 46.
1137 Władysław Bartoszewski, The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising: A Christian’s Testimony (Boston: Beacon Press, 1987), 89.
1138 Władysław Bartoszewski, “Losy Żydów Warszawy 1939–1943,” in Władysław Bartoszewski and Marek Edelman, Żydzi Warszawy 1939–1943 (Lublin: Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 1993), 12.
1139 A counterintelligence report of the Home Army Command for the Lwów District for the period March 1 to September 1, 1942, refers to 3,172 informers broken down as follows: 1,365 Volksdeutsche, 83 Reichsdeutsche, 463 Ukrainians, 278 Communists, 91 NKVD agents, 104 Gestapo agents, 23 Soviet intelligence agents, 307 Poles, and 91 Jews. The Jewish informers would only include those active outside the ghettos. See Polska-Ukraina: Trudne pytania, vol. 9 (Warsaw: Światowy Związek Żołnierzy Armii Krajowej and Karta, 2002), 270.
1140 Jan Pietrzykowski, Cień swastyki nad Jasną Górą: Częstochowa w okresie hitlerowskiej okupacji 1939–1945 (Katowice: Śląski Instytut Wydawniczy, 1985).
1141 Tomasz Strzembosz, Rzeczpospolita podziemna: Społeczeństwo polskie a państwo podziemne 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Krupski i S-ka, 2000), 107; Wilamowski, Srebrniki Judasza, 23, 111, 116 (Warsaw).
1142 Keins, A Journey Through the Valley of Perdition, 116, 219–20; Rosenberg, To Tell at Last, 117; Goldberg, Running Through Fire, 64; Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 196–97.
1143 Paulsson, Secret City, 150.
1144 Gunnar S. Paulsson, “Ringelblum Revisted: Polish-Jewish Relations in Occupied Warsaw, 1940–1945,” in Joshua D. Zimmerman, ed., Contested Memories: Poles and Jews during the Holocaust and Its Aftermath (New Brunswick, New Jersey and London: Rutgers University Press, 2003), 185.
1145 Szapiro, Wojna żydowsko-niemiecka, 163. These two rather well-known and well-documented cases are described earlier.
1146 Bratko, Gestapowcy, especially at 86–99; Witold Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 202–20.
1147 One of the most active German Gestapo agents was Rudolf Körner, originally from the Sudentenland, who was responsible for the capture of hundreds of Jews on the Aryan side. See Taubenschlag (Townsend), To Be a Jew in Occupied Poland, 23–24. Interestingly, Taubenschlag also befriended Eduard Schubert, the head of two sections of the criminal police (Kripo) in Kraków, who took a bribe to transfer Taubenschlag’s mother from Lwów to Kraków.
1148 Hera, Polacy ratujący Żydów, 369.
1149 Testimony of Eugenia Halbreich, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 1674.
1150 Bauminger, The Fighters of the Cracow Ghetto, 26, 85–86; Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 204, 206.
1151 Erna H. Holocaust Testimony (HVT–2914), Fortunoff Video Archive for Holocaust Testimonies, Yale University Library.
1152 Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 204, 209; Testimony of Anna Maria Heydel and Izabel Czecz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 4549, as cited in Czajka, Relacje z czasów Zagłady Inwentarz/Holocaust Survivor Testimonies Catalogue, vol. 5, 195.
1153 See the testimony of Cesia Frymer and Pola Warszawska in Grynberg and Kotowska, Życie i Zagłada Żydów polskich 1939–1945, 7–9.
1154 Arczyński and Balcerak, Kryptonim “Żegota”, 173–74.
1155 Aleksander Biberstein, Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1985), 164–74; Aleksander Biberstein, Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie, Second edition (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2001), 188–200.
1156 Zvi Helmut Steinitz, As a Boy Through the Hell of the Holocaust: From Poznań, through Warsaw, the Kraków ghetto, Płaszów, Auschwitz, Buchenwald, Berlin-Haselhorst, Sachsenhausen, to Schwerin and over Lübeck, Neustadt, Bergen-Belsen, and Antwerp to Eretz Israel, 1927–1946(Konstanz: Hartung-Gorre, 2009), 155.
1157 Bertha Ferderber-Salz, And the Sun Kept Shining… (New York: Holocaust Library, 1980), 35.
1158 Biberstein, Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie, Second edition, 98.
1159 Biberstein, Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie, 30 (1985 edition), 32–33 (second edition).
1160 Ferderber-Salz, And the Sun Kept Shining…, 34.
1161 This list is based on the following sources: Biberstein, Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie, passim; Bednarczyk, Życie codzienne warszawskiego getta, 229–41; Para, Los polacos y los judíos a través de los siglos, 269–73; Ferderber-Salz, And the Sun Kept Shining…, 34; Rivka Perlis, “The Hehalutz Fighting Resistance in Cracow,” in Asher Cohen, Yehoyakim Cochavi, and Yoav Gelber, eds., Dapim: Studies on the Shoah (New York: Peter Lang, 1991), 233–34, 237, 238; Diatłowicki and Roszkowski, Żydzi w walce 1939–1945, vol. 2, 157; Witold Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 202–20.
1162 Rivka Perlis, “The Hehalutz Fighting Resistance in Cracow,” in Cohen, Cochavi, and Gelber, Dapim, 238.
1163 Witold Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 211–13. See also Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. II, Part A, 528–29.
1164 Account of Estera Rusinek in Diatłowicki, Żydzi w walce 1939–1945, vol. 1, 307.
1165 Tadeusz Pankiewicz, The Cracow Ghetto Pharmacy (New York: Holocaust Library, 1987), 35, 37–38. Tadeusz Pankiewicz, a great benefactor of the Jews, was decorated by Yad Vashem. According to Stanisław Taubenschlag, Szymon Szpic’s son was also a Gestapo collaborator, who was sent to England as a spy by the Germans. See Taubenschlag (Townsend), To Be a Jew in Occupied Poland, 33–34.
1166 Rączy, Zagłada Żydów w dystrykcie krakowskim w latach 1939–1945, 226.
1167 See, for example, the testimony of Helena Wachtel, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 2390. Selinger turned over to the Gestapo the author’s husband, who had been in hiding. See also Michał Czajka, Relacje z czasów Zagłady Inwentarz/Holocaust Survivor Testimonies Catalogue, vol. 3, 164.
1168 Arczyński and Balcerak, Kryptonim “Żegota”, 173–74; Muszyński, W walce o Wielką Polskę, 294 n.157. On the activities of Maurycy Diamand’s group directed at the Communist Polish People’s Party organization in Kraków see Piotr Gontarczyk, Polska Partia Robotnicza: Droga do władzy 1941–1944 (Warsaw: Fronda, 2003), 240–41.
1169 Cohen, The Avengers, 62. The Jewish underground searched for an appropriate location to strike “somewhere far from the ghetto and far from the forest camps where Jews were used as slave labor. The Nazis met each rebellious act with collective punishment, killing a hundred Jews for one dead German. The underground did not want to give the Germans reason to blame the explosion on Jews.”
1170 Mizgalski and Sielski, The Jews of Częstochowa, 35. In need of a German uniform with a certain rank, the Jewish underground killed a German soldier not near the ghetto, where Jews would be exposed to retaliation, but rather near the Jasna Góra monastery. In retaliation, twelve Christian Poles were executed.
1171 Brzezinski, Isaac’s Army, 223–24. Yitzhak Zuckerman was cared for by Polish strangers and, although wounded, managed to return to Warsaw. See also Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. II, Part A, 530.
1172 Havka Folman Raban, They Are Still With Me (Western Galilee, Israel: Ghetto Fighters’ Museum, 2001), 142–46.
1173 Diatłowicki and Roszkowski, Żydzi w walce, vo. 2, 60–61.
1174 Biberstein, Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie, 220 (1985 edition), 252 (second edition). Biberstein also describes how Polish labourers smuggled goods destined for Jewish inmates into the Płaszów concentration camp, as well as other forms of mutual assistance in that camp which held both Jewish and Polish prisoners. Ibid. (1985 edition), 31, 95, 134–36. Interestingly, a Gypsy was employed by the German commandant to execute Polish prisoners in Płaszów. Ibid., 137.
1175 Śliwowska, The Last Eyewitnesses, 8. Ignacy Taubman, who also went by the name of Gołębiowski, was eventually shot by the Polish underground in a failed execution attempt. He may have settled in Australia under the name Borkowski. See also the testimony of Julian Aleksandrowicz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 3202, who was stocked by Taubman.
1176 Samuel Honig, Reunions: Echoes of the Holocaust, Pre-War and Post-War Stories (Windsor, Ontario: Benchmark Publishing & Design Inc., 2000), 69–70. Stella survived the war and was seen in Hungary and the United States. For similar accounts concerning Stefania Brandstätter see Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 206–207.
1177 Kessler-Pawlak, Nie chcę nocy, 93, 102.
1178 Testimony of Maria Stecko in Grynberg and Kotowska, Życie i zagłada Żydów polskich 1939–1945, 25.
1179 Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 207–208. According to a Jewish source, Weininger was arrested after the war in Romania or Hungary but managed to buy himself out from prison. See the testimony of Marian Faber, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 4604, as cited in Czajka, Relacje z czasów Zagłady Inwentarz/Holocaust Survivor Testimonies Catalogue, vol. 5, 215.
1180 Isakiewicz, Harmonica, 248.
1181 Marian Turski, ed., Losy żydowskie: Świadectwo żywych, vol. 2 (Warsaw: Stowarzyszenie Żydów Kombatantów i Poszkodowanych w II Wojnie Światowej, 1999), 184–85.
1182 Hochberg-Mariańska and Grüss, The Children Accuse, 173.
1183 Testimony of Abraham Sternhell, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 3400. These informers were eventually themselves killed by the Gestapo in November 1942.
1184 Frister, The Cap, or the Price of a Life, 76–80.
1185 Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 206.
1186 Reiss, Z deszczu pod rynnę…, 108–9.
1187 Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 209.
1188 Mędykowski, “Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy,” Zagłada Żydów: Studia i materały, no. 2 (2006): 208–209.
1189 Frister, The Cap, or the Price of a Life, 112–14, 193–94.
1190 Ibid., 193–98.
1191 Taubenschlag (Townsend), To Be a Jew in Occupied Poland, 31.
1192 Henryk Zvi Zimmerman, And Tell the Deeds of God (forthcoming in English translation), especially chapters 13, 15, 17; published in Polish as Przeżyłem, pamiętam, świadczę (Kraków: Baran i Suszczyński, 1997). As in Warsaw, Zimmerman notes that the Jews in the Kraków ghetto refused to believe firsthand reports brought to the ghetto about the operation of the death camps. Ibid., chapter 14.
1193 Krystian Brodacki, “Co z tymi napisami?” Tygodnik Solidarność, June 22, 2001. In both cases, the inscriptions on the monuments blame only the “Nazi occupier” or “Nazi executioners” for these crimes but, as that author correctly points out, the actual perpetrators were neither Nazis nor occupiers.
1194 Jack Werber with William B. Helmreich, Saving Children: Diary of a Buchenwald Survivor and Rescuer (New Brunswick, New Jersey and London; Transaction Publishers, 1996), 26–27. Another source states that Werber was falsely accused of being a Communist and hoarding furs, and sent to Buchenwald. See Taitz, Holocaust Survivors, vol. 2, 580.
1195 Joseph Freeman, Job: The Story of a Holocaust Survivor (Westport, Connecticut and London: Praeger, 1996), 19–21, 33–35.
1196 Jacek Wijaczka, ed., Żydzi szydłowieccy: Materiały sesji popularnonaukowej 22 lutego 1997 roku (Szydłowiec: Muzeum Ludowych Instrumentów Muzycznych w Szydłowcu, 1997), 131 n.64.
1197 Friedman, Nazi Hunter, 63.
1198 Friedman, Nazi Hunter, 55–56.
1199 Abraham H. Biderman, The World of My Past (Sydney: Random House, 1995), 164.
1200 Entry for “Opatow,” Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities in Poland, vol. 7, Internet: , a translation of Pinkas hakehillot Polin, vol. 7 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1999), 58–64.
1201 Nachum Alpert, The Destruction of Slonim Jewry: The Story of the Jews of Slonim During the Holocaust (New York: Holocaust Library, 1989), 144–45, 152, 241.
1202 Ibid., 339. Sarah ended up leaving with the Germans when they retreated.
1203 Tec, Defiance, 178.
1204 Account of Mozes Fejgenberg in Grynberg and Kotowska, Życie i zagłada Żydów polskich 1939–1945, 540.
1205 Kowalski, A Secret Press in Nazi Europe, 310–11.
1206 Yehuda Bauer, “Jewish Baranowicze in the Holocaust,” Yad Vashem Studies, vol. 31 (2003): 121.
1207 Ibid., 148.
1208 Ibid., 138.
1209 Sutin, Jack and Rochelle, 59–60.
1210 Cohen, The Avengers, 121–22. Several other Jewish ghetto policemen were executed together with Natek (Natan) Ring: Lutek Zalcwasser, Schwarzbard, and Szurka Kewes. See the testimony of Abram Mieszczański, dated June 10, 1947, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 2536.
1211 Allegedly his wife had been imprisoned by the Germans and he agreed to find the partisan base and betray its location. See Tec, Defiance, 176–77; Jack Kagan and Dov Cohen, Surviving the Holocaust with the Russian Jewish Partisans (London and Portland, Oregon: Vallentine Mitchell, 1998), 69–70; Leonid Smilovitskii, Katastrofa evreev v Belorussii 1941–1944 gg. (Tel Aviv: Biblioteka Matveia Chernogo, 2000), 299–300.
1212 Entry for “Novogrudok,” Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities in Poland, vol. 8, Internet: , a translation of, Pinkas hakehillot Polin, vol. 8 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2005), 430–37.
1213 Kagan and Cohen, Surviving the Holocaust with the Russian Jewish Partisans, 170.
1214 Glass, Jewish Resistance during the Holocaust, 71.
1215 Mark Verstandig, I Rest My Case (Melbourne: Saga Press, 1995), 142–43.
1216 Irene Eber, The Choice: Poland, 1939–1945 (New York: Schocken Books, 2004), 130. Eber owes her life to at least two Polish families who aided her—Korpantowa and Leokadia and Stanisław Orłowski, neither of whom have been recognized by Yad Vashem.
1217 Krempa, Zagłada Żydów mieleckich, 57, 104, 149, 122–23, based in part on the testimony of Izak Steiglitz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, Record Group 301, number 1637. Hirsch Rosenblum survived the war and was investigated for abusing fellow prisoners, but the outcome of this matter is not known.
1218 Tomasz Frydel, “Konstrukcja pamięci o ratowaniu Żydów na polskiej wsi: Studium przypadku Radomyśla Wielkiego i powiatu mieleckiego,” in Sitarek, Trębacz, and Wiatr, Zagłada Żydów na polskiej prowincji, 352–53. Based on the testimony of Chaja Rosenblatt, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 303, number 318. Chaja Rosenblatt and her husband were hidden afterwards in Dulcza Mała near Radomyśl Wielki by the family of Adam Kokoszka, whom she endangered by giving birth to a child there.
1219 Munro, Bialystok to Birkenau, 82.
1220 Testimony of Paltiel Lopata, dated October 5, 1948, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, Internet: .
1221 Chaim Yehuda Goldberg, “At the Height of the Decay,” in Kalisher, Sokoly, 158ff.
1222 Trunk, Jewish Responses to Nazi Persecution, 37.
1223 Entry for “Radzyn,” Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities in Poland, vol. 7, Internet: , a translation of Pinkas hakehillot Polin, vol. 7 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1999), 543–47.
1224 Weinstein, Quenched Steel, 74–75. All of the belongings of the author’s father were stolen while he was in the camp. Ibid., 92.
1225 Weinstein, Quenched Steel, 86. Another Jewish testimony from Łosice describes how, at the beginning of 1942, the Judenrat asked the German authorities to expel Jewish refugees from Warsaw who supported themselves by begging. Some of them died during their forced return to Warsaw. The Jewish police later assisted the Germans in rounding up and deporting the Jews. See Zylbersztajn, A gdyby to było Wasze dziecko?, 28–29, 146.
1226 Ferderber-Salz, And the Sun Kept Shining…, 100–102.
1227 Thon, I Wish It Were Fiction, 99.
1228 Tenenbaum, Legacy and Redemption, 126, 131–32, 137. Tenenbaum, later imprisoned in Melk, a small camp 100 km east of Mauthausen, recalled a German gypsy called Zigeunerkapo: “When he got hold of an inmate, he usually finished him off, and we were terrified of him.” Ibid., 147. The Russian prisoners of war were known for “their habitual thievery” and the French inmates for their antisemitism. Ibid., 148. When liberated from Ebensee, another satellite camp of Mauthausen: “The Russians were hell-bent on revenge, and those of us who could muster the strength joined them. The first Kapo we caught was the despicable gypsy who had totured and killed so many of us. The gang beat him badly and kicked him to the ground. We urinated on him, and then the Russians unloaded their weapons into him. I was not proud of what happened, but under the circumstances, the Zigeunerkapo got what he deserved.” Ibid., 160.
1229 Account of Dr. Leopold Lustig in Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 33.
1230 Trunk, Jewish Responses to Nazi Persecution, 118–19.
1231 Herzog, …And Heaven Shed No Tears, 306, 311–15.
1232 Kotkowsky, Remnants.
1233 See, for example: Stanisław W. Dobrowolski, Memuary pacyfisty (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 1989) (Kraków); Śliwowska, The Last Eyewitnesses, 8 (Kraków), 20 (a denunciation by a Jewish collaborator in the Warsaw ghetto); Hochberg-Mariańska and Grüss, The Children Accuse, 173 (Bochnia), 183; Peleg-Mariańska and Peleg, Witnesses, 152 (the liquidation in Warsaw of “one of the chief Jewish stool-pigeons, Lolek [Leon] Skosowski”); Szajn Lewin, W getcie warszawskim, 26, 52, 54 (Warsaw); Stanisławczyk, Czterdzieści twardych, 16, 23, 24, 107 (Warsaw); Bednarczyk, Życie codzienne warszawskiego getta,, 233 (Warsaw), 234 (Warsaw), 235 (Kraków), 236 (Warsaw), 238 (Kraków and various other localities); Rafael F. Scharf, Poland, What Have I To Do with Thee…: Essays without Prejudice, Bilingual edition (Kraków: Fundacja Judaica, 1996), 45–46 (Kraków); Chwalba, Dzieje Krakowa, vol. 5: Kraków w latach 1939–1945, 159, 287–88 (Kraków); Nechama Tec, Resilience and Courage: Women, Men, and the Holocaust (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003), 106 (Lwów); Katarzyna Zimmerer, Zamordowany świat: Losy Żydów w Krakowie, 1939–1945 (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2004), 84, 158, 166–67, 179, 180, 189–90, 195, 209, 216 (Kraków). For reports regarding Kaunas, Lithuania, see: Alex Faitelson, Heroism & Bravery in Lithuania, 1941–1945 (Jerusalem: Gefen Publishing House, 1996), 235, 291–95 (Kaunas); David Ben-Dor, The Darkest Chapter (Edinburgh: Canongate, 1996), 82 (Kaunas); Alex Faitelson, The Truth and Nothing But the Truth: Jewish Resistance in Lithuania (Jerusalem and New York: Gefen, 2006), 240–42.
1234 Account of Dr. Leopold Lustig in Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 36–37. Another account in that book notes the hostile attitude of Czech Jews toward Polish Jews in a German camp in Inowrocław: “The bread was divided by Czech women who knew German well. They didn’t wear stripes, they had real shoes and canes and had the right to hit. Polské svině [“Polish pigs”] they called us. Polské svině, teď zemřete! They were Jews, but when Jews are by themselves, then this one is Polish, this one Czech, and that one Hungarian, like at no other time.” Ibid., 127.
1235 Abraham W. Landau, Branded on My Arm and on My Soul: A Holocaust Memoir (New Bedford, Massachusetts: Spinner Publications with The Jewish Federation of Greater New Bedford, 2011), 56–58.
1236 Ibid., 94–95.
1237 Ibid., 101.
1238 This was not a new phenomenon. Władysław Szpilman, an accomplished Polish pianist, recalled from his days as a student in prewar Germany: “But I have never met such ‘patriots’ as the German Jews. During my studies in Germany I used to hear them say: ‘Finally Hitler will come and will straighten out those Eastern Jews [Ostjuden].’” See Engelking, Na łące popiołów, 119. See also Hirszfeld, Historia jednego życia, 240, and Steven E. Aschheim, Brothers and Strangers: The East European Jew in German and German Jewish Consciousness, 1800–1923 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1999), passim. It should come as no surprise, therefore, as reported by Hannah Arendt, that “Hitler himself is said to have known three hundred and forty ‘first-rate Jews,’ whom he had either altogether assimilated to the status of Germans or granted the privileges of half-Jews. Thousand of half-Jews had been exempted from all restrictions, which might explain [Reinhard] Heydrich’s role in the S.S. and Generalfeldmarschall Erhard Milch’s role in Göring’s Air Force, for it was generally known that Heydrich and Milch were half-Jews.” See Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, Revised and enlarged edition (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), 133.
1239 Ben-Dor, The Darkest Chapter, 112.
1240 William Samelson, “Piotrków Trybunalski: My Ancestral Home,” in Sterling, Life in the Ghettos During the Holocaust, 8.
1241 Ferderber-Salz, And the Sun Kept Shining…, 162.
1242 Ferderber-Salz, And the Sun Kept Shining…, 125.
1243 Haar and Fahlbusch, German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing, 1919–1945, vii–viii, 241, 251.
1244 Niewyk, Fresh Wounds, 176.
1245 Meyer Kron, Through the Eyes of the Needle (Montreal: The Concordia University Chair in Canadian Jewish Studies and The Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, 1999), 115–16.
1246 George H. Stein, The Waffen SS: Hitler’s Elite Guard at War, 1939–1945 (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1966); Kurt Georg Klietmann, Die Waffen-SS: Eine Dokumentation (Osnabrück: Der Freiwillige, 1965), 499–515.
1247 See the English language “Summary” in Andrii Boianovskyi, Ukrainski viiskovi formuvannia v zbroinykh sylakh Nimechchyny (1939–1945) (Lviv: Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, and Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, 2003), 569–89.
1248 Dawidowicz, Holocaust and the Historians, 106.
1249 See the forthcoming study by Mark Paul, Neighbours on the Eve of the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Relations in Soviet-Occupied Eastern Poland, 1939–1941 (Toronto: PEFINA Press, 2008), Internet: , and the abridged Internet edition: and . That book is a much expanded revision of an earlier essay by Mark Paul, “Jewish-Polish Relations in Soviet-Occupied Eastern Poland, 1939–1941,” in The Story of Two Shtetls, Part Two, 173–230.
1250 Philip Friedman, Their Brothers’ Keepers (New York: Holocaust Library, 1978), 69.
1251 Jean-Philippe Schreiber, “Belgium and the Jews Under Nazi Rule: Beyond the Myths,” in David Bankier and Israel Gutman, eds., Nazi Europe and the Final Solution (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Authority and The International Institute for Holocaust Research, 2003), 478.
1252 Adam Rayski, The Choice of the Jews under Vichy: Between Submission and Defiance (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2005); Jean-Marc Berlière, Les policiers français sous L’Occupation: D’après les archives inédites de l’épuration (Paris: Perrin, 2001); Julian Jackson, ed., France: The Dark Years, 1940–1944 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Sarah Fishman et al., France at War: Vichy and the Historians (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2000); Lynne Taylor, Between Resistance and Collaboration: Popular Protest in Northern France, 1940–45 (Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan 2000; New York: St. Martin Press, 2000); Simon Kitson, “From Enthusiasm to Disenchantment: The French Police and the Vichy Regime, 1940–1944,” Contemporary European History, vol. 11, no. 3 (2002): 371–90.
1253 Sheila Fitzpatrick and Robert Gellately, “Introduction to the Practices of Denunciation in Modern European History,” The Journal of Modern History, vol. 68, no. 4 (December 1996): 747–67; Benn Williams, “Letters of Denunciation in the Lyon Region, 1940–1944,” Historical Social Research, vol. 26, no. 2/3 (2001): 136–52; Lareunt Joly, “La délation antisémite sous L’Occupation,” Vingtième Siècle: Revue d’histoire, no. 4 (2007): 137–49. This phenomenon was first detailed in André Halimi, La Délations sous l’Occupation (Paris: A. Moreau, 1983). Some historians, like Henry Rousso, offer a more conservative estimate of “hundreds of thousands” of denunciations. See also Laurent, Joly, ed., La Délation dans la France des années noires (Paris: Perrin, forthcoming 2012).
1254 Samuel Abrahamsen, Norway’s Response to the Holocaust: A Historical Perspective (New York: Holocaust Library, 1991); Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003), vol. 2, 584–89. Fortunately for Norwegian Jews, Hitler did not invade Sweden. As was revealed in February 2000, Swedish Nazis had compiled lists of Jews for liquidation and even started to gather building materials for the construction of concentration camps.
1255 Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition, vol. 2, 600–32; Bob Moore, Victims and Survivors: The Nazi Persecution of the Jews in the Netherlands 1940–1945 (London: Arnold; New York: St. Martin’s, 1997), passim; Suzanne D. Rutland, “A Reassessment of the Dutch Record During the Holocaust,” in Roth and Maxwell, Remembering for the Future, vol. 1, 527–42. According to Raul Hilberg, “In the Netherlands the Jews were destroyed with a thoroughness comparable to the relentless uprooting process in the Reich itself.” That the survival rate in Holland was as high as it was had to do in large measure with the exemption from deportation to camps created for 8,000–9,000 Jews in mixed marriages and for some 4,000 Jews in special categories. See Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition, vol. 2, 619, 622–24, 229 n139. Betrayal of Jews in Holland was an extremely frequent phenomenon, and indeed reached massive proportions, as survivor testimonies confirm. See, for example, Martin Gilbert, The Righteous: The Unsung Heroes of the Holocaust (Toronto: Key Porter, 2003), 320–55; Mordecai Paldiel, Sheltering Jews: Stories of Holocaust Rescuers (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996), 15, 169, 170; Mordecai Paldiel, The Righteous Among the Nations (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem; New York: HarperCollins, 2007), 53, 56, 98, 172, 208, 215, 251, 254, 519, 554; Emily Taitz, ed., Holocaust Survivors, vol. 1 (Westport, Connecticut, and London, 2007), 24, 108; Interviews with Ursula Stern, Selma Wijnberg, and Jozef Wins, Internet: . The so-called Henneicke column first extorted money from Jews, and then when the Germans started paying large rewards they handed over Jews to the Gestapo. As a result of pioneering research, Dutch investigative journalist Ad van Liempt exposed the activities of a committed group of volunteers who denounced Jews and oncluded that about 8,000 to 9,000 Jews were turned in to the Germans for cash. This represents almost half of the Jews who attempted to hide. See Ad van Liempt, Hitler’s Bounty Hunters: The Betrayal of the Jews (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005).
1256 For an overview of conditions in France, see Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition, vol. 2, 645–703 (France). Historian Michael R. Marrus wrote: “The Germans needed and received a great deal of assistance from the French to carry out their plans. … Most of the work was done by the French police. … it seems highly unlikely that the Germans would have been capable of deporting large numbers of Jews from France without the help provided by the French authorities. … Unlike Poland, where there was always a heavy German police presence, there were few men to spare for France—only three battalions for the occupied zone, for example, or about three thousand men.” Thus reliance on the French police to carry out the round-up and deportation of the Jews was absolutely essential. See “France: The Jews and the Holocaust,” in Israel Gutman, ed., Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan; London: Collier Macmillan, 1990), vol. 2, 509–513; see also the entry for the infamous French assembly and detention camp in the Paris suburb of Drancy in vol. 1, 404–406. By way of comparison, there were about 150,000 SS or Waffen SS stationed in Poland in 1944. See Prekerowa, Zegota: Commission d’aide aux Juifs (Monaco: Éditions du Rocher, 1999), 285. According to American historian Joseph Rothschild, “the achievements of the Polish resistance movement were indeed prodigious. It tied down approximately 500,000 German occupation troops and, according to official German figures, prevented one out of every eight Wehrmacht transports headed for the Russian front from reaching its destination. … And Poland was the only Axis-occupied country in Europe without a quisling.” See Joseph Rothschild, Return to Diversity: A Political History of East Central Europe Since World War II, Second edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 28. (The peak strength and accomplishments of the Polish underground occurred in 1944–1945. By that time, however, the Holocaust of Polish Jews was essentially over.) A recent revelation of the extent of complicity in the Holocaust in Western Europe came in January 1993 with the release of documents implicating the English authorities on the Channel Island of Guernsey of close cooperation with the German military in identifying and tracking down that occupied island’s small Jewish community. Only one member of the eight-member cabinet categorically refused his assent to anti-Jewish edicts. As indicated earlier, the Holocaust in Poland was not dependent on such forms of collaboration. See “Guernsey officials put Jews into Nazi hands, records show,” The Toronto Star, January 6, 1993; Madeleine Bunting, The Model Occupation: The Channel Islands under German Rule, 1940–1945, Revised paperback edition (London: HarperCollins, 1996). Writing about the Holocaust in Belgium, historian Jean-Philippe Schreiber arrived at a conclusion that aptly sums up the experience of the Jewish population throughout Western Europe. The truth of the matter was that, as elsewhere, the average Belgian “does not like the Jews.” (Indeed, anti-Semitism was pervasive in Western countries where Jews constituted a microscopic minority.) Moreover, “the suggestion that there would be a direct link between democratic values and a century of emancipation of the Jews in Western Europe and a widespread readiness to help them is superficial and not substantiated by the facts revealed through a close analysis of the rescuers.” See Jean-Philippe Schreiber, “Belgium and the Jews Under Nazi Rule: Beyond the Myths,” in Bankier and Gutman, Nazi Europe and the Final Solution, 480.
1257 Norman Davies, Europe At War: No Simple Victory (London: Macmillan, 2006), 302, 319. See also Herbert R. Lottman, The Purge: The Purification of the French Collaborators After World War II (New York: William Morrow, 1986); Herbert R. Lottman, The People’s Anger: Justice and Revenge in Post-Liberation France (New York: Hutchinson, 1986); H.R. Kedward and Nancy Wood, eds., The Liberation of France: Image and Event (Oxford and Washington, D.C.: Berg, 1995). According to a review of Julian Jackson, ed., France: The Dark Years, 1940–1944 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001): “Some 9,000 collaborators, suspected collaborators, or people who had simply incurred their neighbors’ dislike were killed just before and during the Liberation; about 1,500 more were executed after trial; more than 40,000 were sentenced to prison terms; 20,000 to 30,000 public servants were sanctioned. Among these were few policemen [who had played a pivotal role in the round-up and deportation of French Jews to the death camps]. In August of 1944 the police in Paris and other cities had mutinied against the Germans with whom they had collaborated for so long, and thus qualified for resister status. From 10,000 to 20,000 women (though not Coco Chanel or Arletty) were accused of horizontal collaboration and had their heads shaved, or were subjected to other forms of public humiliation in repulsive and sexist acts. But 80,000 Frenchwomen of the occupied zone had by mid-1943 claimed children’s benefits from the German authorities and requested German nationality for their offspring.” See Eugen Weber, “France’s Downfall,” Atlantic Monthly, October 2001.
1258 Jean-Pierre Besse and Thomas Pouty, Les fusilés: Répression et exécutions pendant l’Occupation (1940–1944) (Paris: Les Éditions de l’Atelier, 2006).
1260 Keith Lore, Savage Continent: Europe in the Aftermath of World War II (London: Viking/Penguin, 2012), 149–53. Political violence, often initiated by Communists, also took a large toll in both Italy and France. Ibid., chapter 23.
1264 Tomasz Szarota, Karuzela na Placu Krasińskich: Studia i szkice z lat wojny i opkupacji (Warsaw: Rytm and Fundacja “Historia and Kultura,” 2007), 99.
1265 Stafford, Endgame, 1945, 448–49.
1266 Benoît Majerus, “Kollaboration in Luxemburg: Die falsche Frage?” in ...et wor alles net esou einfach: Questions sur le Luxembourg et la Deuxième Guerre mondiale (Luxembourg: Musée d'Histoire de la Ville de Luxembourg, 2002), vol. 10, 126–40.
1267 Norman Davies, Europe: A History (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 1060. See also the essays on Germany, France, Austria, Hungary, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia in Jon Elster, ed., Retribution and Reparation in the Transition to Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
1268 István Deák, Jan T. Gross, and Tony Judt., eds., The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and Its Aftermath (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000), 134.
1269 László Karsai, “Crime and Punishment: People’s Courts, Revolutionary Legality, and the Hungarian Holocaust,” Intermarium, The First Online Journal of East Central European Postwar History and Politics, vol. 4, no. 1, Internet: . This author describes the workings of the Hungarian Communist courts in “The Hungarian Holocaust as Reflected in the People’s Court Trials in Budapest,” Yad Vashem Studies, vol. 32 (2004): 59–96. These courts passed 26,997 prison sentences, 14,727 persons were acquitted, 477 were sentenced to death, and 189 of them executed.
1270 Henry Rousso, “Did the Purge Achieve Its Goals?” in Richard J. Golsan, ed., Memory, the Holocaust, and French Justice: The Bousquet and Touvier Affairs (Hanover, New Hampshire: University Press of New England, 1996), 101.
1271 Gabriel N. Finder, “The Poltics of Retribution in Postwar Warsaw: In the Honor Court of the Central Committee of Polish Jews,” in Dynner and Guesnet, Warsaw: The Jewish Metropolis, 558.
1272 Gabriel N. Finder, “The Poltics of Retribution in Postwar Warsaw: In the Honor Court of the Central Committee of Polish Jews,” in Dynner and Guesnet, Warsaw: The Jewish Metropolis, 539–40.
1273 Gabriel N. Finder and Alexander V. Prusin, “Jewish Collaborators on Trial in Poland, 1944–1956,” in Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry, vol. 20 (2008): 128.
1274 Gabriel N. Finder, “The Poltics of Retribution in Postwar Warsaw: In the Honor Court of the Central Committee of Polish Jews,” in Dynner and Guesnet, Warsaw: The Jewish Metropolis, 547–48.
1275 Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. II, Part A, 686–87.
1276 Gabriel N. Finder, “The Poltics of Retribution in Postwar Warsaw: In the Honor Court of the Central Committee of Polish Jews,” in Dynner and Guesnet, Warsaw: The Jewish Metropolis, 545.
1277 Donald M. McKale, Nazis After Hitler: How Perpetrators of the Holocaust Cheated Justice and Truth (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2012), 216–18. On the shameful inadequacy of the prosecution of Nazi mass murders in West Germany, see, among others, Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germany (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1997), 267–333. Remarkably, the West German courts, generally presided over by judges who had themselves been Nazi Party members, were reluctant to condemn even such German doctors and nurses who had murdered thousands upon thousands of mentally and physically handicapped fellow Germans. Nontheless, the myth of Germany having come to terms with its past prevails even today.
1278 Deák, Europe on Trial, 193, 213–14. As Deák astutely observes at p. 226, “We also know, incidentally, that all German SS men and policemen were free not to participate in the mass shootings of Jews and Gypsies in conquered Eastern Europe. Yet only a few of these men made use of this privilege …”
1279 Deák, Europe on Trial, 205.
1280 Stafford, Endgame, 1945, 467, 508.
1281 Gondek, Polska karząca 1939–1945, 114.
1282 Between 1944 and 1969, 17,845 people were convicted including 5,432 Germans; the rest were Poles, Ukrainians, Belorussians, Jews, and others. In total over 1,500 death sentences were passed. Five of the Jews who were convicted sought clemency. See Czesław Pilichowski, ed., Zbrodnie i sprawy: Ludobójstwo hitlerowskie przed sądem ludzkości i historii (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1980), 73–74; Zdzisław Biegański, “Kara śmierci w orzecznictwie Specjalnych Sądów Karnych w Polsce (1944–1946),” Echa przeszłości (Olsztyn: Uniwersytet Warmiński-Mazurski, 2004), vol. 5, 175, 194.
1283 Gabriel N. Finder and Alexander V. Prusin, “Jewish Collaborators on Trial in Poland, 1944–1955,” Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry, vol. 20 (2008): 122–48.
1284 Ligocka, Tylko ja sama, 324; Alicja Jarkowska-Natkaniec, “Powojenne procesy członków Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst w okupowanym Krakowie: casus Dawida Lieblinga,” Studia Żydowskie: Almanach, no. 4 (2014): 97–114.
1285 “Znęcał się nad współwyznawcami i matkę swoją wydał na mękę i “smierć,” Gazeta Ludowa, np. 39 (1946), 4.
1286 Trunk, Jewish Responses to Nazi Persecution, 178.
1287 Wroński and Zwolakowa, Polacy Żydzi 1939–1945, 304–306. Zygmunt Witkowski later emigrated to Israel. The author of this account, Leon Borkowski, a Jew, credits many helpful Polish labouers for his survival.