(a policeman in Żłobek(?) near Sobibór); Account of Hilda, Virtual Shtetl, Internet: (Polish police commander in Rymanów); Maria Sankowska, The Righteous Database, Yad Vashem, Internet: (a Polish police officer took pity on Nina Fogel after she was arrested by the Gestapo in Warsaw and released her with a warning to move elsewhere); Janina Bereska, The Righteous Database, Yad Vashem, Internet: (a Polish policeman named Dziwna(?) who belonged to the resistance movement provided temporary shelter to Berek Ofman after his escape from the ghetto in Radomsko and directed other Jews to a permanent shelter); Testimony of Maria Zadziewicz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 2225 (Czarski, the police chief of the Żoliborz district of Warsaw and his brother, who was in charge of the identity section); Testimony of Maria Plech, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 1884 (near Lubartów, a Polish policeman who knew her husband spared him during a round-up of Jewish figitives); Testimony of Józef Fuksenbronner, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 1917 (two Polish policemen were arrested in Kraków for helpong Jews); Testimony of Maria Sygiewicz, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 2309 (Eugeniusz Śliwa, a policeman in Kraków, warned this convert of denunciations received by the police). The Polish police in Konstantynów often looked the other way. See the testimony of Louis Hofman, Shoah Foundation Institute Visual History Archive, University of Southern California, Interview code 13655.
Yitzhak Zuckerman, a member of the Jewish Fighting Organization, reported that the ghetto fighters in Warsaw received accurate intelligence information from the “Blue” police, via the Polish underground, through nightly telephone calls. See Zuckerman, A Surplus of Memory, 370. Another member describes how a Polish policeman named Adamczyk smuggled Jews out of the ghetto (he helped rescue a group of about twenty Jews hidden in the debris of the Warsaw ghetto in August or September 1943), acted as a courier for the Jewish underground, and delivered weapons to the ghetto in Częstochowa. See Rotem, Memoirs of a Warsaw Ghetto Fighter, 63, 68, 71–72. Hena Kuczer, who went by the assumed name of Krystyna Budnicka, describes how she and other members of her family hiding in a bunker in the ruins of the Warsaw ghetto were rescued in September 1939 by some Poles who included “Blue” policemen. See the testimony of Krystyna Budnicka, August 2003, posted online at: . Adolf Berman, another survivor of the Warsaw ghetto, was assisted by a Pole he knew from before the war who had become a policeman in Warsaw. See Michał Grynberg, ed., Words To Outlive Us: Voices from the Warsaw Ghetto (New York: Metropolitan Books/Henry Holt, 2002), 329–33. A member of the Jewish underground described how a blue policeman worked with the underground group by conveying Jewish children to the Boduen orphanage in Warsaw, where they were accepted as “Aryan” foundlings. See Adina Blady-Szwajger, I więcej nic nie pamiętam, 2nd expanded edition (Warsaw: Volumen, 1994), 109; translated as I Remember Nothing More: The Warsaw Children’s Hospital and the Jewish Resistance (London: Collins-Havrill, 1990). A Jew from Kraków employed a Polish policeman by the name of Mazurkiewicz to transport his fiancée from a ghetto outside the city to the one in Kraków, which he described as a very risky and complicated venture. See Marcus David Leuchter, “Reflections on the Holocaust,” The Sarmatian Review (Houston, Texas), vol. 20, no. 3 (September 2000). A Jewish girl from Kraków recalled: “I was very familiar with the Polish policeman and his uniform. I had never had reason to be afraid of him. Slipping in and out of the Cracow Ghetto was quite simple; one did not even have to have an official pass—I never did have one. One just had to know the individual policemen. Most of them were decent, kindly men. I already knew them, at least by sight, and if there happened to be a hard-liner on duty—and there were one or two amongst them—at the nearest, most convenient gate, I only had to wait for him to be relieved. His successor was bound to be reasonable and approachable, or make for a more distant gate. I slipped in and out of the Ghetto during its entire two-year existence—except of course during SS conducted aktions when it was hermetically sealed—almost at will.” See Janina Fischler-Martinho, Have You Seen My Little Sister? (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 1998), 56. An American Methodist missionary who lived in occupied Warsaw wrote that, in September 1941, “driven by hunger, small Jewish children went begging daily outside the ghetto for anything they could get. One day I was passing the ruins of Graniczna Street, when ahead of me appeared a group of Jewish children, each carrying a small sack of garnered booty. I watched them sneak towards a gap in the incomplete ghetto wall. Before it stood a Polish policeman; behind it, on the inside, a Jewish one. Simultaneously, the two walked away, and in a flash most of the children had disappeared through the gap into the ghetto. The policemen returned. The few little ones who were still outside receded waiting for the next opportunity. A man who had stopped beside me said, ‘This goes on night and day. The policemen do what they can.’” See Hania and Gaither Warfield, Call Us to Witness: A Polish Chronicle (New York and Chicago: Ziff-Davis Publishing Company, 1945), 321. Indeed, on August 25, 1941, the Schupo commander for the Warsaw District, Colonel Alfred Jarke, rebuked the Polish police for remaining “passive and inactive” when the German police resorted to shooting at Jews to maintain order. Jarke threatened the Polish police with punishment “with all the means” at his disposal if they did not initiate action before the German police did. See Engelking and Leociak, Getto warszawskie, First edition, 208–209; Paulsson, Secret City, 146. In Warsaw, as well as other localities such as Opole Lubelskie, Komarówka near Radzyń, and Działoszyce, the “Blue” police refused to take part in executions of Jews; some of them were even executed by the Germans because of their insubordination. See Zbigniew Zaniewicki, Pięć groźnych lat (1939–1941) (London: Polska Fundacja Kulturalna, 1982), 110; “Żydzi zwracali się ku kościołowi,” Opoka (London), no. 11 (July 1975): 83 (Opole Lubelskie); Huberband, Kiddush Hashem, 153–54 (the Germans proved unable to get enough volunteers tor form a firing squad from even several Warsaw precincts, so they had to conscript people to do the job); Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: Harper Perennial, 1992), 157 (Komarówka near Radzyń); Grynberg, Words To Outlive Us, 320 (Warsaw); Wolgelernter, The Unfinished Diary, 323 (Działoszyce). Mary Berg records in her diary entry of June 3, 1942, that the Polish police were ordered to shoot 110 Jews in the prison on Gęsia Street in Warsaw, but refused. They were forced to watch the execution. “One of the eyewitnesses told me that several Polish policemen wept,” she noted, and “some of them averted their eyes during the execution.” See Berg, Warsaw Ghetto, 154. During the revolt in the Warsaw ghetto in April 1943, scores of Polish police failed to report for duty to guard the ghetto wall. See Dariusz Libionka, “ZWZ-AK i Delegatura Rządu RP wobec eksterminacji Żydów polskich,” in Żbikowski, Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939–1945, 90–91. In the Tarnów region, “Blue” policemen warned Poles who were suspected of sheltering Jews and allowed Jews to escape. See Wroński and Zwolakowa, Polacy Żydzi 1939–1945, 345, 349; Musiał, Lata w ukryciu, vol. 1, 21, 24 and 268 (Nowy Wyśnicz), 59 (a policeman in Lisia Góra provided temporary shelter), 61 (Czarna), 205 (Jodłowa), 282–83 (Ćwików), vol. 2, 369 (Czermna). Jewish sources confirm that Blue policemen in Jodłowa warned the Jewish community in August 1942 that the Germans planned to shoot the Jews the following day, and, consequently, more than 100 jews escapes that night and close to 30 survived the war. See Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. II, Part A, 519. In Brańsk, “On instructions from the Home Army, Józef Falkowski (in the underground he used the name Szymborski) and Jan Sukowski joined the Brańsk Schutzpolizei. They actually saved the lives of many people. In my possession are testimonies of persons whom they helped, among them Jews.” See Romaniuk, “Brańsk and Its Environs in the Years 1939–1953: Reminiscences of Events,” in The Story of Two Shtetls, Part One, 83. A Pole by the name of Grabowski, who had been instructed by the Home Army to join the German police, assisted in the escape of Rachela Finkelsztejn from the ghetto in Radziłów. See Andrzej Kaczyński, “Nie zabijaj,” Rzeczpospolita (Warsaw), July 10, 2000. In Gorlice, the fact that some of the Blue police were members of the Home Army unit greatly facilitated the clandestine provision of food to the ghetto. See Boczoń, Żydzi gorliccy, 144, 147. One Jewish survivor counts Major Mieczysław Tarwid, chief of the “Blue” police in the northern part of Warsaw where the ghetto was located, as his and his wife’s principle benefactors. See Benjamin Mandelkern, with Mark Czarnecki, Escape from the Nazis (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1988), xi, 91ff. (Tarwid had ties to the Polish underground—see Hempel, Pogrobowcy klęski, 151.) Emanuel Ringelblum describes how large numbers of Jews were successfully smuggled out of the Warsaw ghetto via the sewers that led to Krasiński Square; their guide was assisted by some Polish policemen in carrying out this task. See Emanuel Ringelblum, Polish-Jewish Relations During the Second World War (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University, 1992), 99. Danuta (Dana) Wajnman, later Dena Axelrod, was rescued by Stanisław Kornacki, a policeman at the police station in Warsaw to which she had been delivered as an abandoned child; he placed her in an orphanage where he continued to visit her and picked her up on days when there were police inspections. See Peter Tarjan, ed., Children Who Survived the Final Solution (New York: iUniverse, 2004), 196–204. Franciszek Górski, chief of police in Hrubieszów, was eventually imprisoned and killed in the Gusen concentration camp for sheltering Jews and helping the Polish underground. See Michael Korenblit and Kathleen Janger, Until We Meet Again: A True Story of Love and War, Separation and Reunion (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1983), 20ff., 293. A Jew who survived the war in the village of Jabłoń near Parczew said: “The family with whom I lived knew everything about me—in fact, two families knew. After the war it came out that more families knew, and also the chief of the navy-blue police, a Pole, a very decent person. Juliusz Kleiner was hiding in the neighbourhood; in the next village there was a Jewess; in that area many were hiding.” See “Marian Małowist on History and Historians,” in Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry, vol. 13 (2000), 328. In Kraśnik, the Polish policeman Zdzisław Flaszecki helped saved Nuchim Rozenel from deportation to the Bełżec death camp in April 1942. See Chodakiewicz, Żydzi i Polacy 1918–1955, 200. That author points out that in the early years of the war, the Polish police arrested criminals who preyed on Jews as well as on Poles; in some cases the Polish criminals were even killed; four specific examples are cited at pp. 196–97. Wawrzyniec Kowalczyk, the commander of the police station in Radecznica near Zamość and local officials obtained false identity documents for Rubin Weistuch and dispatched him as a forced labourer to Germany where he survived passing as a Christian. See Stanisław Rozwar Zybała, “Żyli wśród nas,” Radecznica 2001. Stefania Podgórska, who rescued 13 Jews in Przemyśl, recalled that a Polish policeman she befriended allowed her to enter the ghetto and that Polish policemen gave bread to the Jews. Her account is posted online at: