Members of the Jewish police were not the only ones who served the Germans; some Jews acted



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892 Breitowicz, Through Hell To Life, 61–62, 70, 73, 76.

893 Testimony of Hela Honigman, Archive of the Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw), record group 301, number 454.

894 Abraham Weissbrod, “Death of a Shtetl,” Internet: , translation of Abraham Weissbrod, Es shtarbt a shtetl: Megiles Skalat (Munich: Central Historical Commission of the Central Committee of Liberated Jews in the U.S. Zone of Germany, 1948), 48–51.

895 Goldberg, The Undefeated, 123–24.

896 Trunk, Judenrat, 477; Tadeusz Epsztein, Justyna Majewska, and Aleksandra Bańkowska, eds., Archiwum Ringelbluma: Konspiracyjne Archiwum Getta Warszawskiego, vol. 15: Wrzesień 1939. Listy kaliskie. Listy płockie (Warsaw: Żydowski Instytut Historyczny im. Emanuela Ringelbluma, 2014), 168–69.

897 Gruber, I Chose Life, 26.

898 Maria Hochberg-Mariańska and Noe Grüss, eds., The Children Accuse (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 1996), 101; Frister, The Cap, or the Price of a Life, 254, 260; testimony of Giza Landau, Yalkut Moreshet: Holocaust Documentation and Research [Tel Aviv], vol. 2 (Winter 2004): 182–83; David M. Crowe, Oskar Schindler: The Untold Account of His Life, Wartime Activities and the Story Behind the List (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Westview Press, 2004), 320–22, 337–48. The names most often mentioned are: Wilek or Wilhelm Chilowicz, the head Jewish administrator, and his wife Maria, Chilowicz’s assistant Mietek Finkelstein, Marcel Goldberg, Maier Kerner, Wilhelm or Wilek Schnitzer, Romek Faeber, and Schoenfeld. Giza Beller Landau recalled: “One day they packed us into a car and drove us to the camp in Płaszów near Kraków, it was in October of 1943. We were very badly received in the camp. I don’t know why everybody was so unfriendly toward the people from Tarnów. There was Jewish commandant Chilowicz with his wife; Finkelstein and some other people. They called us the worst names and during the roll call they went like—hit the dirt! on your feet! in the mud and water. … And there were two Jewish policemen—Kerner and Marcel Goldberg—the worst ones in the camp. … The next day Mrs. Chilowicz walked around during the roll call to see if any of the children had remained, she was very angry about it.” See Grabowski, Hunt for the Jews, 225–26.

899 Niewyk, Fresh Wounds, 15, 33–41, 45, 47, 52, 53, 113, 118, 119, 126, 127, 129, 176, 251–52.

900 Jonathan Webber, “Jewish Identities in the Holocaust: Martyrdom as a Representative Category,” in Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry, vol. 13: Focusing on the Holocaust and its Aftermath (London and Portland, Oregon: The Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2000), 141. An example is given on p. 140.

901 Szereszewska, Memoirs from Occupied Warsaw, 1940–1945, 460 (Auschwitz); Richard C. Lukas, comp. and ed., Forgotten Survivors: Polish Christians Remember the Nazi Occupation (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2004), 26 (Neuengamme), 181 (Auschwitz).

902 Busgang, Działoszyce Memorial Book, 256.

903 See, for example: Hersch Gotthelf, “A Few Words,” in Memorial Book of Sochaczew, translation of A. Sh. Stein and G. Weissman, eds., Pinkas Sochaczew (Jerusalem: Former Residents of Sochaczew in Israel, 1962); Howard Roiter, comp. and ed., Voices from the Holocaust, vol. 1 (New York: William-Frederick Press, 1975), 108 (Warsaw); Schupack, The Dead Years, 44–45 (Radzyń Podlaski); Peter Silverman, David Smuschkowitz, and Peter Smuszkowicz, From Victims to Victors (Concord, Ontario: The Canadian Society for Yad Vashem, 1992), 246 (Głębokie); Joanna Wiszniewicz, A jednak czasem miewam sny (Warsaw: Tu, 1996), 77–78 (Warsaw), translated as And I Still Have My Dreams: A Story of Certain Loneliness (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 2004); Stanisławczyk, Czterdzieści twardych, 106, 195–96 (Warsaw); Ernest, O wojnie wielkich Niemiec z Żydami Warszawy, 1939–1943, 82 (Warsaw); Friedmann, Reluctant Soldier, 23 (a number of attractive girls in Chełm). It appears that the ban on sexual relations with Jews, an issue that raised considerable concern with state security when German gendarmes came across more than a dozen high ranking German officers spending the night with Jewish women in Warsaw’s Bristol Hotel in October 1939, continued to be transgressed rather frequently. The Bristol Hotel incident was mentioned in the 2004 documentary film Frauen als Beute: Wehrmacht und Prostitution by Thomas Gaevert and Martin Hilbert.

904 A Jewish woman from Łódź became the mistress of a senior Gestapo officer and divulged to the Germans the hiding place of her Jewish lover. See Checinski, Running the Gauntlet of Anti-Semitism, 33. The following examples are from Drohobycz: Maria Steczkowska was SS Sergeant Karl Günther’s lover, Irka Jakubowicz was SS Second Lieutenant Lukas Heckel’s, and Feld was Gestapo chief Walter Kutschmann’s. See Wiesław Budzyński, Miasto Schulza (Warsaw: Prószyński i S-ka, 2005), 192, 194, 200. See also Grynberg, Drohobycz, Drohobycz and Other Stories, 22 (Irka Jankiewlewicz). For examples from Radzyń see Yitzhak Zigelman (I. Siegelman), ed., Sefer Radzin (Tel Aviv: Council of Former Residents of Radzyń (Podlaski) in Israel, 1957), 227ff. The Warsaw actress Johanna Epstein became the lover of Untersturmführer SS Werner. See Stephen Lehnstaedt, “Codzienność okupanta W Warszawie w latach 1939–1944, in Tomasz Chinciński, ed., Przemoc i dzień powszedni w okupowanej Polsce (Gdańsk: Muzeum II Wojny Światowej and Oskar, 2011), 493. For examples from Łódź and Warsaw, see Huberband, Kiddush Hashem, 242. For three examples from Słonim see Waitman Wade Beorn, Marching Into Darkness: The Wehrmacht and the Holocaust in Belarus (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press, 2014), 167–69. Many high-ranking Nazis also had Jewish mistresses: SS brigade commander Oskar Dirlewanger, Rudolf Höss while commander at Auschwitz, and Amon Goeth while commander at the Płaszów concentration camp. See Niall Ferguson, The War of the World: Twentieth-Century Conflict and the Descent of the West (New York: The Penguin Press, 2006), 464–65.

905 An inmate of Treblinka recalled: “Only once did Jews leave the camp alive. The Front had demanded women. So one hundred and ten of the most beautiful Jewish girls, accompanied by a Jewish doctor, were sent off.” See Mark S. Smith, Treblinka Survivor: The Life and Death of Hershl Sperling (Stroud, United Kingdom: The History Press, 2010), 249.

906 On France see, for example, Patrick Buisson, 1940–1945: Années érotiques: Vichy ou les infortunes de la vertu (Paris: Albin Michel, 2008).

907 L. Gluzman, “Memories of an Escapee from Brest,” in Steinman, Brisk de-Lita, vol. 2, 549ff.

908 Tennenbaum, Zloczow Memoir, 198.

909 Ringelblum, Kronika getta warszawskiego, 116.

910 Urbański, Zagłada Żydów w Dystrykcie Radomskim 111 (Kielce, Radomsko).

911 Breitowicz, Through Hell to Life, 23.

912 Testimony of Michael Berger in Ronald J. Berger, Constructing a Collective Memory of the Holocaust: A Life History of Two Brothers’ Survival (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1995), 40–41.

913 Theodor Frank, By His Magnificent Guidance (Winfield, British Columbia: Wood Lake Books, 1985), 36–39; Alfred Lipson, ed., The Book of Radom: The Story of a Jewish Community in Poland Destroyed by the Nazis (New York: The United Radomer Relief of the United States and Canada, 1963), 43.

914 Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. 2, Part A, 291.

915 Testimony of Maria Widawska (assumed name), Archive of the Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw), record group 301, number 1698.

916 Urbański, Zagłada Żydów w Dystrykcie Radomskim, 73.

917 Werber and Keller, Two Rings, 41–42, 76, 120–22. Later, when he was sent to Dachau, Chiel Friedman “would force the men to stand longer than necessary in their twice-daily appels, or roll calls. … Chiel Friedman made them stand for a half hour, sometimes an hour longer than the Germans required. Friedman seemed to want to prove himself; he wanted to show the Germans, and maybe the Jews, too, that he knew how to be cruel and indiscriminate in his cruelty. Friedman settled in Toronto, spurned by the survivors from Radom. Ibid., 43–44. Duvid Norembursky, who was responsible for a number of Jewish deaths, and his wife managed to escape, survived the war in hiding, and immigrated to the United States under changed names. Ibid., 105–6.

918 Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. 2, Part A, 291–92.

919 Friedman, Nazi Hunter, 27, 37.

920 Ibid., 35.

921 See the Home Army report in Maria Tyszkowa, “Eksterminacja Żydów w latach 1941–1943 (Dokumenty Biura Informacji i Propagandy Komendy Głównej Armii Krajowej ze zbiorów oddziału rękopisów Biblioteki Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego),” Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego, nos. 162–163 (1992): 45. For accounts from Bełchatów, see ibid., 41–42; and Roman Peska, Skazani na zagładę: Żydzi w Pabianicach 1794–1998 (Pabianice: Pamięć, 1999), 66–68. Similar charges were also made in relation to Jews in Pabianice, where Jews were still able to purchase luxury goods in the ghetto towards the end of 1941. Ibid., 69–72.

922 Cytron (Zitron), Sefer Kielce, 238; translated as Book of Kielce: History of the Community of Kielce. From Its Founding Until Its Destruction, Internet:
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