Members of the Jewish police were not the only ones who served the Germans; some Jews acted

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(There is more about Zimmet or Zimet later on.) This Jew also recalled another Jew, an Austrian exile named Distler (Diestler), who “fully and brutally” cooperated with the Gestapo in Tarnów. Occasionally, private “justice” was exacted. Miriam Jaszuńska, a Jewish partisan who took up residence in Wilno after the city’s liberation, stated that Jews looked for surviving policemen from the ghetto in order to settle scores. Jewish partisans shot a sergeant by the name of Bernstein and handed over a certain Ferdman to the Soviet authorities, who tried and sentenced him.1302

Dr. Lopold Lustig from Drohobycz identifies several Jewish collaborators who fled to the West and were never brought to justice because of inaction on the part of the Jewish community:

At a party [in New York] to honor Helmrich, I saw Wilek Ornstein [a ghetto policeman from Drohobycz]. I wanted to inform on him. I spoke to Mrs. Laufer. She said she didn’t remember. I also spoke to Kuba Gold and Stella Wolfgang about Bross when we testified at the trial. “S’past nisht far dee goyim,”—it’s unseemly in front of the goyim. They didn’t want to. Ornstein was the main stoker of the crematorium in Mauthausen and Bercio Gutenplan was his helper. …

Attorney Holzman, who delivered my aunt Yetka to her death, lived in Düsseldorf and sat on the supervisory board of the synagogue. No one wanted to touch his case. … Baumgarten and Giza Bachman [confidants and extortionists] were deported to Siberia, sent there by Izio Weisberr who returned with the Soviet Army. They came back later as victims of Stalinism. [Izio Weisberr or Weissber served in the security police after returning to Poland] … In New York, I saw Mićko R.’s brother. He said Mićko [Maciek Ruhrberg, an extortionist] got married again, lived in Toronto and was doing well. Nobody wanted to remember. Nobody wanted to tell on a Jew.

“Not one of them was ever tried?”

“Only one, Bronek Dauerman, in Poland. Someone fingered him, but he had money from his robberies, so he hired good lawyers who got him out on bail and he made a getaway to Germany.”1303

Jacob Tannenbaum, a former kapo, faced deportation from the United States fin 1987 for his brutal treatment of prisoners. He was accused by fellow Jewish concentration camp survivors of ordering 300 Jews to their deaths in 1945, for raping women, and torturing and killing male prisoners, including a rabbi. “He was a nasty, nasty guy,” said a former head of the Office of Special Investigations, Martin Mendelsohn, “There were a lot of witnesses who remembered him and his bestiality.” The Jewish Week (February 12, 1988) reported, however, that “most [Jews] agreed, in the words of Elie Wiesel, Auschwitz survivor and Nobel Peace Prize winner, that ‘the kapos were victims. They were chosen by their enemies. It is true that some were very, very cruel, but even those were acting as instruments of the enemy.’” Tannenbaum was eventually stripped of his U.S. citizenship, but not deported. “This is the best solution for all concerned,” said Tannenbaum’s lawyer, Elihu Massel. “It will also avoid a truly ghastly trial in which Jews would have had to testify against Jews, none of whom really want to remember.”

The role of the Jewish police in assisting the Germans to carry out round-ups of Jews came to the fore when Hirsch Barenblat, the local commander of the Jewish militia in Będzin, was tried for collaboration, both in Poland immediately after the war and again in Israel in the early 1960s. Barenblat became the assistant conductor of the Israeli National Opera and was identified by a Będzin survivor at a concert in June 1960. He was investigated and eventually arrested in 1961. In 1963 the Tel Aviv District Court convicted Barenblat of collaboration and sentenced him to five years’ imprisonment. The following year, however, the Israeli Supreme Court overturned the decision and Barenblat was acquitted in February 1964.1304

Exceptionally, there were incidents of revenge killings, especially in camps in Germany proper. But those incidents occurred during the occupation or at the time of liberation, when Jewish informers posed a threat or were still in the midst of their victims. For example, Jewish testimonies mention that several members of the “elite” from the hard labour camp of Starachowice, such as Jeremiah Wilczek, head of the camp council, his younger son, and Rubenstein, head of the camp kitchen, were murdered in the train during the evacuation of prisoners to Auschwitz, which was ironic in that the Jews on this transport were not gassed.1305 A Jewish inmate of Budzyń recalled: “I remember a cruel lynching—ordered by Sztokman—of a Budzyń prisoner who had previously been a Jewish policeman and extorted huge bribes from Jews in exchange for not taking them to [Warsaw’s] Umschlagplatz.”1306 Another Jewish survivor mentions the killing of Jewish policeman Josef Krzepicki active in the Skarżysko-Kamienna labour camp.1307 Godel Wroby (Wroblewski) states that he joined a group of prisoners who decided to beat to death ten Jews deemed to have abused their positions of power and betrayed their people.1308 Baruch Shub describes the killing of kapos in Jewish DP camps in Metra and Bari, Italy.1309

According to Michel Mielnicki, an inmate of Birkenau, “We killed those of our ilk who sold out others among us to the SS or their flunkies for an extra half-litre of soup.”1310 Another memoir refers to the efforts of resistance members in liquidating kapos during the final weeks of the war, especially those judged to be overly brutal toward fellow prisoners or too servile to the camp authorities: “the hated kapo would be killed, his clothes taken off him and exchanged for another set, which had the camp number of a sick prisoner sewn on. The death of the sick prisoner was marked in the file, thereby enabling the other to live.”1311 One memoir describes how a young German Jew named Rudy, who had served as a kapo in several camps, was lynched and hanged by fellow Jewish prisoners after their liberation. According to his victims, “He had whipped, beaten, and even killed thousands of Lithuanian, Estonian, and Latvian Jews.”1312

In Bergen-Belsen, the only concentration camp in Germany proper where Jews constititued a majority of the prisoners, kapos endured a bloodbath as the British and Canadians liberated the camp. Reportedly, some 150 of them were thrown out of the second-floor windows under the eyes of British soldiers.1313 Russian POWs dangled them by their ankles from the top floor of the tallest building in the camp, shouting to the crowd below: “Was he good or bad?” When the crowd roared “Bad!” the kapo was dropped. “Even before he hit the ground, the spectators closest to him were flailing at him with bats, stones—anything they could grab or hold in their emaciated hands. The Kapo was unrecognizable when the crowd was through.” A mass grave was dug to bury those who were put to death: “… camp inmates passing by made a point of bringing garbage and dumping it there, or failing that, spitting and urinating on it.”1314 However, two Jews allowed a notorious kapo named Walter Steuer to escape punishment, because he had performed a personal favour for them.1315

According to Israel Mittelberg, the following prisoners received “their just sentences” from fellow Jews in Buchenwald: a German Jewish policeman named Korn, Abram and a policeman Alek from workshop three, Dr. Zaks, a Jewish policeman named Tepperman, a camp leader in the munitions factory in Skarżysko named Kinneman, Shepicki [Krzepicki], and others.1316 Other testimonies also speak of retaliation in Buchenwald.1317 Jack Werber, a member of the camp’s underground, recalls:

Acceptance into the Underground was certainly a factor in my survival. Their people were in key positions and, in many ways, really ran the camp, even though it was the Nazis who supervised them. … They sent collaborators to the quarry or to slave on the railway lines.

The members of the Underground carried out a wide range of activities. Kapos who were too eager to beat prisoners for no reason, mysteriously disappeared after interrogations by Underground leaders. …

From 1942 on, the prisoners had their own police force that enforced discipline …

In the summer of 1944, Carlebach told us about a transport of several thousand Jews that was coming in from Skarzysko [Skarżysko], a town not too far from Radom. … Gustav spoke with them about collaborators, saying: “If there are among you people who collaborated with the Germans, report them to us now and we will take care of them.” …

Many witnesses testified against him [Leibel, a red-haired fellow from Kozienice] and he was found guilty of a number of charges: that he had betrayed Jews to the Germans, and that he constantly cursed, hit, and kicked women in Skarzysko. And so he was found guilty and executed by those who came into the camp with him. Justice was visited upon him by those who suffered at his hands. …

In another case, a former collaborator ran up to the camp gate and said to the Nazis: “I was a kapo in Skarzysko and I am ready to work for you here.” The conversation was overheard by a member of the Underground who reported it to the blockaltester in Block 7, which was a barrack for the insane. He, in turn, sent two nurses to the gate who said that the man had escaped from their block. He was taken awau and never seen again. The Underground usually won in such matters. They had an excellent network and were highly efficient.

Very few collaborators came out alive from Buchenwald. One who did was a doctor who showed up with his two young sons. He was accused by the people who came with him to Buchenwald of being a collaborator, and they related a terrible story. Five hundred Jews had been taken in his town and quarantined in the synagogue for a month for fear of typhus. The SS called this doctor in and asked him if they were in good health and if they could be sent out to work. He replied: “They’re all shit!” Consequently, all of the Jews were pulled out of the synagogue and shot. The doctor was implicated in other killings too; aktions where ten, five, or three Jews were murdered. In one case it was alleged that he turned in sixteen Jews who were hiding in a Jewish hospital. To our dismay, the stories were confirmed.

… We intentionally postponed his case until we were liberated [because of his children]. Suddenly, amidst the chaos, the doctor was forgotten about. 1318

Charles Kotkowsky describes a “hit squad” in Buchenwald that took revenge against Jews who had mistreated their fellow Jews:
Once, after the SS Commandant had finished checking and had left, some pushing began. As I approached the scene, I noticed a few men were kicking someone lying on the ground in the snow. It was dark and I could not see very well.

The next morning, the same group of men came into our barracks and beat up the big “Bulldog” from Czestochowa [Częstochowa]. Later, when I saw him lying there on his bunk, which was situated close to the door, his face looked even larger than in Czestochowa. It was badly swollen and all bloody and his eyes were puffy and closed, and he was breathing heavily. He could not get up anymore for the evening roll call and was counted sick. This job was done by a special “hit-squad” under the leadership of an inmate called Gustaw, allegedly from Lemberg [Lwów]. He was the Block leader of No. 66. The hit-squad watched every new transport of prisoners that arrived in Buchenwald and inquired as to who had been the “bad apples” in former camps. They then sentenced the culprits.

When Gustaw was informed of a traitorous Jewish foreman named Heinrich of Berlin, he told the foreman to hang himself. The cowardly foreman did not heed Gustaw’s advice, so two days later Gustaw returned with his aides and completed the job for him.

Although I saw [Nachum] Wengliszewski once with Gustaw and his “hit-squad”, he did not keep his promise to visit me. That was the last time I saw him. (Later Kudish told me that he was killed by the same “hit-squad” he had served.) Allegedly he had defrauded another inmate.1319

Later, when Kotkowsky was transferred to Flößberg, a labour camp near Leipzig, he witnessed similar brutality and brutal retaliations:
The next day when we left for work, he [i.e., a block leader] summoned the Jewish German Kapo who hated the Polish Jews with a vengeance and always cursed us as unworthy citizens of the world. “You Polish Jews are not even worthy to go to hell,” he used to say.

Otto [i.e., another block leader] beat him so badly, that we never saw him again. (We learned later that Otto hanged him).1320

When Kotkowsky left Flossberg and put on a train destined for another camp, he again encountered collaborators from his hometown of Piotrków Trybunalski who had haunted him at various junctures:
I closed my eyes and half-dozed off when the door opened and Arie and Shlome Yukel Pinkusewicz came in loaded with lots of bread. They were Kapos in Flossberg [Flößberg], and when the train stopped, they had gone in the dark to “organize” bread. Everyone looked at them in silence with big hungry eyes as nobody dared jump at them. I approached them and asked for a few crumbs for my brother because I knew them well. The younger of the two brothers, Szlome Yukel, got curious and crossed over to my brother to check as to why he needed bread crumbs. As he saw him lying on the floor, talking deliriously from fever, he got angry with me and shouted, “Why don’t you let him die?” and he hit me over the head with his thick, strong hand. I did not have the strength or stamina to hit him back. I told him that if I survived, I would not forget this. He did not like that and struck me again on the forehead even harder, so that I thought I received the blow in the back of my head. I fell down from shock near my brother and lay there helpless.

Lying next to my sick brother, I was thinking, “Is this really a Piotrkover? Yes, this is a Piotrkover who stems from the Chapuszes (catchers), the underworld, the scum of the Staro Warszawska [Starowarszawska] Street. What could I expect of him?”1321

The brothers Pinkusewicz both survived the war. One lived in Israel, the other in the United States.

When Harry Haft returned to him hometown of Bełchatów after the war, he ran into a Jewish kapo named Mischa, who had beaten Harry repeatedly in a slave labour camp in Jaworzno. Harry gave Mischa a good thrashing and almost shot him, but his gun did not fire.

Harry grabbed him and threw him into two garbage cans lined against a wall in the alley. ... He picked up a garbage can and started to beat him with it. …

Harry started beating him again with the lid of the can. … Mischa layed there bleeding. …

Harry pulled out his revolver and said, “Mischa, now it is your turn to die.”

Harry enjoyed watching Mischa beg and plead for his life, but he pulled the trigger anyway.

The gun did not fire. Harry cursed and pulled the trigger again.

Again, it only clicked.

“Maybe it is not your time to die. Next time, you may not be so lucky.”1322
Sonia Guss-Hornstein, who lived with her family in Łódź after the liberation, witnessed a group of men ambush and beat to death a Jew whom her father later told her was a kapo.1323 A similar, perhaps the same event was witnessed by Yankel (Jack) Pomerantz in May 1945:
As we were arriving in the city, I watched a group of Jews converge on one man. He had been a collaborator with the Nazis in a concentration camp. He had overseen the killing of children, one man joining the group told us. Now in Lodz [Łódź], Jewish survivors from the camp had recognized him. They set upon him and beat him right in the street. They delivered blow upon blow until he died.1324
Szaja Langleben, the most hated Jewish polieman in the slave-labour camp in Starachowice, returned to Poland and was killed in a restaurant in Radom, an apparent target of revenge killing.1325 There is no indication that the authorities took any action against the assailants.

A Jew by the name of Blat, who arrived at a Polish refugee camp in Mohács, Hungary, toward the end of the German occupation, posing as a Pole, was recognized as an informer for the Germans and killed by a group of Jews assigned to this task.1326 Another Jewish confidant, Lezer Landau, who had been active in Bochnia and resurfaced in Budapest, was put on trial before a secret Jewish court but a verdict was never delivered in his case.1327 No such leniency was shown to non-Jewish collaborators. A Jewish family who set off from Marseilles to Australia on the SS Derna in August 1948 with 600 hundred other refugees recalled: “One of the Ukrainians on board boasted that he’d killed Jews during the war. One moonless night, he vanished and was never seen again.”1328 The fate of several Jewish policemen accused of torturing Jews and turning them over to the Germans who were recognized by Jewish passengers aboard the Marine Perch is not clear. Apparently, an investigation was conducted on board to prevent a lynching, and the case was supposedly turned over for further investigation after the ship docked.1329 Not all base and reprehensible conduct, however, was necessarily considered to be worthy of sanctions. A booming business developed in Sachsenhausen where Jews working in the crematorium commando removed gold teeth from corpses with pliers and then sold them to guards and a criminal mafia organized by German prisoners, the so-called Beruf Verbrechers, who were known to eliminate prisoners who stood in their way.1330 No investigation of these activities is known to have taken place.

The famed Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesenthal addressed the “cover-up” by the Canadian authorities and leaders of the Canadian Jewish community in prosecuting David Zimet (Zimmet), an ex-Gestapo agent who had attacked Wiesenthal with a knife in a DP camp near Linz. Wiesenthal’s perceptive remarks on the entire topic are well worth repeating.
Zimet had been a ghetto policeman in the southern Polish city of Tarnów and, says Wiesenthal, ‘the right hand of a very known Gestapo sadist with the name of Grunov. Later, Zimet was sent to Mauthausen to work in the crematory. His family stayed in Tarnów. When the Russians came near Tarnów …, the Germans started more deportations of the few hundred Jews that were left … Since there were no more trains, they sent them in trucks. In one truck of Jewish women was the wife and the daughter of Zimet. And the hatred against him was so great that the Jewish women in that truck taking them all to die killed his wife and his daughter then and there.’

By 1946, Zimet was a DP in Austria and was recognized by several survivors from Tarnów. Wiesenthal was still collecting testimony about him in the DP camp when Zimet learned that Simon was, as he puts it, ‘occupied with his case, so at seven o’clock in the morning he is coming to my office there with a knife. He was a big, strapping healthy man back in ’46 while we were all still so thin. He had lived good in the ghetto and, in the crematorium at Mauthausen, they were all given double food … I pick up the inkwell from my desk and throw it at his face to protect myself and I shout so loud that people come running to help me and his is arrested. Zimet was four weeks in jail for this. But then, because he had worked in the crematory, they need him for the Mauthausen trial and bring him to Germany as a witness. From Germany, he emigrates to Canada.’

Years later, Wiesenthal was looking over a confidential list of cases being investigated by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, when he read:

ZIMET, David. A policeman in ghetto in Tarnów. Witnesses have attested to his brutality.

‘Zimet!’ Wiesenthal exclaimed. ‘This is my old case!’ He informed the Canadian authorities of his evidence against Zimet, but they proved unwilling to prosecute a Jew for Nazi crimes. The Canadian Jewish Committee intervened and Zimet agreed to submit to a council of arbitration established by the committee.

‘Nothing ever came of it,’ says Wisesenthal, ‘because the Jewish community was reluctant to publicize the case since Zimet was himself Jewish.’ This is so terrible! Through this false attitude that we must ignore Jewish helpers of the Nazis, we are losing credibility when we say we are acting against all people that commit crimes. If everybody could see that we are not looking only for Germans and Ukrainians, but even for our own Jewish criminals, then we would have much less opposition.’

‘I first saw Jewish collaborators in the ghetto of Lwów,’ Simon Wiesenthal says in his memoirs, ‘and later I saw them in various concentration camps. There were some shocking cases, and when I talked about the problem after the war, many Jews were perturbed. Perhaps they had expected the Jews to be immune from corruption. Like all races, we have had our saints and our sinners, our cowards and our heroes.’

Reinhard Heydrich, who engineered the Final Solution, believed that the secret of manipulation lay in involvement and collaboration. With the appointment of Jewish councils of elders, even rabbis, to enforce Gestapo edicts, Heydrich’s hatchet-man Adolf Eichmann could compel each Jewish community to co-operate in its own destruction. …

‘After the war, I not only arrested Jews who were Nazi collaborators, but, from the committees running the Displaced Persons camps and the former concentration camps, I expelled people who could not bring evidence about their activities during the Nazi time. I made a rule that was approved by the American military government authorities and became know in the camps as Lxz Wiesenthal: Latin for Wiesenthal’s Law. It was very simple: Whoever had a function of authority in the Nazi period could not have a function in postwar Jewish life. I wasn’t saying such a man was a criminal. I wasn’t even looking into whether he was good or bad. But I needed to protect our Jewish society from more bad surprises.’

‘Don’t push it, Simon,’ a friend he describes as an ‘official Jew’ pleaded with him. ‘What you are doing will only diminish the guilt of the Nazis.’

‘No,’ said Simon, ‘this is an extension of the guilt of the Nazis. When they brought pressure on Jews to work against other Jews, when they were guilty of corrupting hundreds of Jews as well as murdering millions of us.’

Wiesenthal noted that ‘in many cases, such people after the war found jobs with Jewish organizations. …’1331

Israeli scholars Orna Ben-Naftali and Yogev Tuval have argued that small number of Kapo trials, which took place in Israel between 1951 and 1964 and then brought to an abrupt hault, have been expunged from Israel's collective memory, and that this matter has been the subject of deliberate collective forgetting.1332 As Jan Peczkis points out in his penetrating review:
Israel’s Nazi and Nazi Collaborators (Punishment) Law 1950, best known for its application in the trial of Adolf Eichmann, was originally enacted to punish Jews who had collaborated with the Nazis against other Jews. (pp. 128–129). The law stemmed from the following: There were 200,000 Holocaust survivors in the young State of Israel, and they angrily wanted the collaborators to be brought to justice. (p. 144).

Some 30–40 trials of Jewish collaborators took place between 1951 and 1964 (pp. 128–129), but very little is publicly known about them. Court judgments, in Israel, are normally available. With some exceptions, the trials of Jewish kapos are not. They have been sealed, as recently as the 1990’s (when interest in them increased), for many decades. (pp. 150–151). Is the privacy of those involved the only consideration?

Ben-Naftali and Tuval point out that the trials have been expunged from Israel’s collective memory, and this matter has been the subject of deliberate collective forgetting. (p. 128). They are not part of the curriculum of the Israeli educational system. (p. 129). Ironic to accusations that Poles do not want to face up to “dark chapters” in their history, is it possible that it is the Jews who do not want to face up to “dark chapters” in their history?

The authors complain that the Nazi Collaborators law legally equated the Jewish traitors with the perpetrators without distinction—although this consideration met with legal dissension. (p. 137, 147, 153). However, the sentences imposed by the judges were relatively lenient, and the authors suggest that this stemmed from judges actualizing the distinction between Jew and Nazi perpetrator. (p. 168).

The authors suggest that the Nazi Collaborators law functioned the way it did because the Holocaust had been so recent that its implications had not yet been fully appreciated. Could it be, instead, that there was a growth of Jewish identity politics relative to the Holocaust, and that this new identity made it possible to see Jews only as victims but never as victimizers?

It very much appears that the authors, in this article, are trying hard to re-define terms such as Nazi collaboration, and perhaps to make Jews special, in order that Jews who collaborated with the Nazis not be seen as such. I examine their contentions below.


Ben-Naftali and Tuval argue that the Holocaust may as well have happened on another planet (p. 140), because the customary human norms did not apply. For this reason, the Jewish kapos should not be reckoned as collaborators.

To be consistent, much the same considerations should apply to other genocides. Consider, for example, the brutal German occupation of Poland. Is it surprising that some Poles denounced Jews, were “greedy” over the acquisition of Jewish property, became szmalcowniki (blackmailers of fugitive Jews for their belongings), etc.? Should they, too, be excused in some way?


The authors argue that the Jewish kapos were not collaborators because they were themselves members of a victim group (Jews), because they never adhered to Nazi ideology, because they were never seen by the Germans as fellow Nazis, because they lived under the same inhumane conditions as their victims, and because they were nothing more than order-fulfillers. (p. 157, 167-168). This, too, is problematic.

The Poles were a despised victim group (Untermenschen) situated only one rung above the Jews in German thinking. Polish collaborators, as well as other Poles, lived under very inhumane conditions. Virtually no ethnic Polish collaborators (as opposed to Volksdeutsche—Polish-speaking Germans) adhered to Nazi ideology. The Germans, most certainly, never saw Polish collaborators as fellow Nazis! Members of the Polish Blue Police (policja granatowa) who participated in the Judenjagd [i.e., German-ordered “hunts” for fugitive Jews] were also direct or indirect order-fulfillers. Should Polish collaborators, therefore, be exonerated?


Let us consider an auxiliary matter. Ben-Naftali and Tuval (p. 138) note that, in a criminal proceeding involving charges of collaboration, saving oneself from the threat of immediate death, or to avert worse consequences, can serve as mitigating circumstances. However, they do not specify when these mitigating circumstances would be valid.

Let us focus on facing death for non-compliance. Consider, for example, the following three situations: 1). The Jewish ghetto policeman, at a ghetto in German-occupied Poland, is in the first half of 1942 or so. He believes the German claim that the Jews he is daily loading upon the trains are being resettled for labor. Both he and the Jewish community are confident that the vast majority of Jews will survive the war, just as Jews had survived past wars and persecutions. He is hardly thinking of death. 2). The Jewish ghetto policeman, now in the second half of 1942 or later. He strongly suspects that the Jews he is boarding on trains are being put to death, and the Jewish community suspects that, unless the war ends very soon, nearly all the Jews will be exterminated. However, at this point, there is no direct or imminent threat to his own life. 3). The same situation as (2), but now the Germans have promised to shoot the policeman, his family, and additional hostages, if he does not fulfill his train-loading tasks. Do the exculpations mentioned by the authors apply only to situation (3), or also (2) and even (1)?

How would fear of death inform the conduct of Poles at Jedwabne … ? Could it be said that Poles were under immediate fear of death because armed Germans were standing away not far from them? Alternatively, would the Poles actually have to be looking down the barrels of German guns before they would be recognized as being in a death-threatening situation?

Now consider the commission of untoward acts in order to forestall worse ones. Consider, for example, the controversial Chaim Rumkowski (Rumkovsky), the head of the Lodz [Łódź] Ghetto. There is no consensus among Holocaust survivors as to whether it was all right for Judenrat leaders to obey Germans in sending some Jews to their deaths in hope that other Jews would be spared.

This quandary can be extended to peoples under relatively mild German occupation, such as Norway. Vidkun Quisling, whose very name has become synonymous with collaboration, argued that his acts were noble ones, in that they actually reduced the German-made harm that befell the Norwegians. Should Quisling have been exonerated?

In conclusion, the issues raised by Ben-Naftali and Tuval require further analysis. If applied to reduce or eliminate the guilt of Jewish kapos that served the Nazis, they, if applied fairly and consistently, would also reduce or eliminate the guilt of non-Jewish Nazi collaborators.1333
Historian Piotr Wróbel has raised the following pointed questions in this regard: “But how are historians supposed to judge when such important events of the past are not resolved? How can non-Jewish bystanders be condemned for their passivity when Jewish Kapos, policemen, and former Judenräte leaders were rehabilitated? Many similar questions appear when we study the Holocaust and most of them have no satisfactory answer yet. This aspect of the Holocaust is still far from settled.”1334

Finally, mention should be made of the well-hidden fact that some Jews, whose instinctive reactions to placate the enemy overtook their appreciation of events, greeted and even assisted the German invaders of Poland in September 1939. Jews built triumphal arches for the German invaders in several towns in central Poland, and a few Jews openly collaborated with them.1335 A Jewish delegation in Radom, headed by a rabbi and other community leaders, marched down the flower-strewn Mikołaj Rej Street on September 8, 1939 to welcome the German army.1336 In Janów Lubelski, as one eyewitness recalls,

All of a sudden a group of men appeared from behind a brick house. There were about six men in the group. They wore long black topcoats and black hats. One of them carried a loaf of bread on a tray and another a dish of salt, symbols of hospitality. They were representatives of the Jewish community in the city who waited to welcome the first soldiers of the Nazi army entering the city. When they heard our footsteps on the street, they thought that we were the German soldiers. After discovering their mistake, they were embarrassed and returned behind the building to wait for the Germans.1337
In the Volhynian town of Luboml, where the Germans entered first and then retreated a few days later in deference to their then Soviet ally, Jews came forward to collaborate with the Germans (and later with the Soviets) in rounding up Polish soldiers—the only Allied army actually engaged in fighting at the time.1338 In Kobryń, in Polesia, the Germans armed local Jewish Communists who then carried out diversionary assaults against the Polish army.1339 The last Jewish delegation to welcome the German army was probably the one sent by the Jewish community in Międzyrzec Podlaski, on October 10, 1939, after the departure of the Red Army; its representatives symbolically carried a loaf of bread on a silver tray which they handed over to the dismissive Germans.1340 Israeli historian Tom Segev brought to light the fact that as late as 1941, the Zionist group LEHI, one of whose leaders was Yitzhak Shamir, approached the Nazis, using the name of its parent organization, the Irgun (NMO), with the proposal of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine bound by a treaty with the Third Reich, as a base for strengthening German power in the Near East. The NMO in Palestine offered to take an active part in the war on the side of Germany. The Nazis rejected this proposal, it is reported, because they considered LEHI’s military power “negligible.”1341 Curiously, the members of the Jewish Councils in occupied Poland were for the most part Zionists as well.1342

Recently, American historian Bryan Mark Rigg has chronicled the hitherto silenced story of some 150,000 Germans of Jewish origin (60,000 of them half-Jewish, 90,000 one-quarter-Jewish, and 5–6,000 entirely Jewish) who served dutifully in the German war machine.1343 Nazi racial laws were bent to allow this widespread phenomenon to occur, and these German Jews espoused completely German war aims which called for the annihilation of Poland.1344 Approximately 300 Jews served in the Finnish army, which was fighting the Soviet army alongside the German Wehrmacht. Thus the number of Jews fighting on the side of the Germans was probably greater than the number of Jews in anti-Nazi underground movements in all of Europe. Characteristically, with the notable exception of the Poles, far more numbers of the native population in nearly every German-occupied country, including Denmark, volunteered to serve in German-sponsored formations than in the anti-Nazi underground.1345

No nation had a monopoly on informers or collaborators during the war, although some historians try to convince us that it was otherwise. While denying that (some) Jews collaborated with the Soviets in Soviet-occupied Eastern Poland 1939–1941, Jan T. Gross proffers a blanket condemnation of non-Jews during the German occupation: “it is manifest that the local non-Jewish population … broadly engaged in collaboration with the Germans, up to and including participation in the exterminatory war against the Jews.”1346 Eschewing such a strident and nationalistic vision of history, a compelling starting point for serious discussion of the topic of wartime collaboration are the valuable insights of British historian Norman Davies, who wrote prophetically:
The Holocaust will be seen to have been perpetrated not by the one single, supreme evil force of European History, but by one of the two great evils whose titanic contest generated a much richer range of criminals and victims of all degrees. …

… it will become impossible to use ethnic criteria to decide who in the maelstrom of war were the murderers, who were the bystanders and collaborators, and who were the victims and survivors. …

Similarly, if one looks at the total experience of each of the ethnic groups, one finds that each of them provides candidates for inclusion in all compartments of the rogues and heroes galleries. …

At all events, ethnicity offers no suitable guide to wartime conduct or misconduct. Nowhere is this truer than in the vexed question of wartime Polish-Jewish relations.1347

1 Yehuda Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 148.

2 This is a much expanded work in progress which builds on a brief overview of this topic that appeared in the collective work The Story of Two Shtetls, Brańsk and Ejszyszki: An Overview of Polish-Jewish Relations in Northeastern Poland during World War II (Toronto and Chicago: The Polish Educational Foundation in North America, 1998), Part Two, 231–40. The examples cited are far from exhaustive and represent only a selection of documentary sources in the author’s possession.

3 Tadeusz Piotrowski has done some pioneering work in this area in his Poland’s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces, and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918–1947 (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland, 1998). Chapters 3 and 4 of this important study deal with Jewish and Polish collaboration respectively. Piotrowski’s methodology, which looks at the behaviour of the various nationalities inhabiting interwar Poland, rather than focusing on just one of them of the isolation, provides context that is sorely lacking in other works. For an earlier treatment see Richard C. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles under German Occupation, 1939–1944 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1986), chapter 4. For a popular, but somewhat shoddy and uneven, overview of some Polish sources see Jacek Wilamowski, Srebrniki Judasza: Zdrada i kolaboracja. Konfidenci niemieckich władz bezpieczeństwa w okupowanej Polsce 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Agencja Wydawnicza CB Andrzej Zasieczny, 2004). Wilamowski canvasses some of the older literature on this topic such as Włodzimierz Borodziej, Terror i polityka: Policja niemiecka a polski ruch oporu w GG 1939–1944 (Warsaw: Pax, 1985), chapter 3; Józef Bratko, Gestapowcy: Kontrwywiad–konfidenci–konspiratorzy, Second expanded edition (Kraków: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1990); Leszek Gondek, Polska karząca 1939–1945: Polski podziemny wymiar sprawiedliwości w okresie okupacji niemieckiej (Warsaw: Pax, 1988); Adam Hempel, Pogrobowcy klęski: Rzecz o policji “granatowej” w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1990). For more recent literature see: Tomasz Strzembosz, Rzeczpospolita podziemna: Społeczeństwo polskie a państwo podziemne 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Krupski i S-ka, 2000); Tomasz Szarota, U progu Zagłady: Zajścia antyżydowskie i pogromy w okupowanej Europie (Warsaw: Sic!, 2000); Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Polacy i Żydzi 1918–1955: Współistnienie, Zagłada, komunizm (Warsaw: Fronda, 2000); Barbara Engelking, “Szanowny panie gistapo”: Donosy do władz niemieckich w Warszawie i okolicach w latach 1940–1941 (Warsaw: IFiS PAN, 2003); Jan Grabowski, “Ja tego Żyda znam!”: Szantażowanie Żydow w Warszawie, 1939–1943 (Warsaw: IFiS PAN, 2004); Teresa Baluk-Ulewiczowa, Wyzwolić się z błędnego koła: Institut für Deutsche Ostarbeit w świetle dokumentów Armii Krajowej i materiałów zachowanych w Polsce (Kraków: Arcana, 2004); Andrzej Żbikowski, ed., Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939–1945: Studia i materiały (Warsaw: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej–Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2006); Edyta Majcher-Ociesa, ed., Z dziejów policji polskiej w latach 1919–1945 (Kielce: Kieleckie Towarzystwo Naukowe, 2010). On the so-called reptile press and behaviour of some literary figures see Krzysztof Woźniakowski, W kręgu jawnego piśmiennictwa literackiego Generalnego Gubernatorstwa (1939–1945) (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe WSP, 1997); Krzysztof Woźniakowski, Polskojęzyczna prasa gadzinowa w tzw. Starej Rzeszy (1939–1945) (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Akademii Pedagogicznej, 2001); Claire M. Hubbard-Hall, “‘A Game of Cat-and-Mouse’: The Gestapo Spy Network in Tomaschow Mazowiecki, Poland, 1939–45,” in Ben Shepherd and Juliette Pattinson, eds., War in a Twilight World: Partisan and Anti-Partisan Warfare in Eastern Europe, 1939–45 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). One of the emerging “experts” on the subject of Polish “collaboration” in the West is German historian Karl-Peter Friedrich, whose blatantly biased writings have, not surprisingly, attracted followers among some German historians (such as Dieter Pohl) and, fortunately, also some harsh critics. Friedrich’s dubious claims were given undue publicity in the Winter 2005 issue (vol. 64, no. 4, pp.711–46) of Slavic Review, albeit with some effort by other historians (notably John Connelly, “Why the Poles Collaborated So Little—And Why That Is No Reason for Nationalist Hubris”, pp. 771–81) to distance themselves from his sweeping and ill-founded conclusions, if not his “facts.” Friedrich’s skewed focus has validated the comparative and contextual approach advocated by Tadeusz Piotrowski.

4 Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (New York: Macmillan, 1972; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996). For a Polish compilation see Jerzy Robert Nowak, Żydzi przeciw Żydom: Zbrodnie żydowskiej policji, Judenratów i żydowskich kapo, 2 volumes (Warsaw: Maron, 2012).

5 Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003), 3 volumes. Hilberg arrives at the following conclusions about the detrimental role of the Jewish councils: “From now on, their activities were going to be supplemented by another, quite different function: the transmission of German directives and orders to the Jewish population, the use of Jewish police (styled Ordnungsdienst) to enforce German will, the delivery of Jewish property, Jewish labor, and Jewish lives to the German enemy. The Jewish councils, in the exercise of their historic function, continued until the end to make desperate attempts to alleviate the suffering and to stop the mass dying in the ghettos. But, at the same time, the councils responded to German demands with automatic compliance and invoked German authority to compel the community’s obedience. Thus the Jewish leadership both saved and destroyed its people, saving some Jews and destroying others, saving Jews at one moment and destroying them at the next. … As time passed, the Jewish councils became increasingly impotent in their efforts to cope with the welfare portion of their task, but they made themselves felt all the more in their implementation of Nazi decrees. With the growth of the destructive function of the Judenräte, many Jewish leaders felt an almost irresistible urge to look like their German masters. … In short, the Jewish councils were assisting the Germans with their good qualities as well as their bad, and the very best accomplishments of a Jewish bureacracy were ultimately appropriated by the Germans for the all-consuming destruction process. … The Jews did not always have to be deceived, they were capable of deceiving themselves. … The Jewish repressive mechanism was largely self-administered, and it could operate automatically, without any misleading statements or promises by German functionaries or their non-German auxiliaries.” Ibid., vol. 1, 219 and vol. 3, 1112–15. Hilberg describes the sordid reality of ghetto life in these terms: “Patronage, favoritism, and outright corruption became inviting possibilities and soon enough were commonplace. … The Warsaw Ghetto, for example, had a formidable upper class composed of bureaucrats, traders, and speculators. These privileged groups were large enough to be conspicuous. They frequented nightclubs, ate in expensive restaurants, and rode in man-drawn rikshas.” Ibid., vol. 1, 232, 262. Hilberg also notes that, seeking salvation through labour, Jews became an important, dependable, and even irreplaceable labour reserve for the German war effort: “Gradually, however, the army emerged as the most important purchaser of ghetto products, crowding out other buyers. The ghettos thus became an integral part of the war economy, and this development was to cause considerable difficulty during the deportations. The Germans came to depend on the output of the Jewish labor force. … The zeal with which the Jews applied themselves to the German war effort accentuated the differences of interests industry and armament inpectorates against the SS and Police, but the Germans were resolving their conflicts to the detriment of the Jews.” Ibid., vol. 1, 263 and vol. 3, 1109.

6 Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, Revised and enlarged edition (New York: Penguin Books, 1977).

7 Alexander J. Groth, Holocaust Voices: An Attitudinal Survey of Survivors (Amherst, New York: Humanity Books/Prometheus Books, 2003), 38, 146, 147.

8 István Deák, Europe on Trial: The Story of Collaboration, Resistance, and Retribution During World War II (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2015), 106.

9 For example, during the massive deportation of some 265,000 Jews from the Warsaw ghetto in the summer of 1942, “Jewish police delivered 7,000 victims for transport to Treblinka [on July 25] and from then on delivered them at a minimum daily rate of 10,000. The average Jewish policeman in the Warsaw ghetto sent two thousand Jews to their death, in order to save his own life.” See Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski, Jews in Poland: A Documentary History (New York: Hippocrene, 1993; Revised edition–1998), 115. The Jewish police, whose numbers had swollen from 1,600 in December 1941 to nearly 2,200, made itself notorious by its cooperation with the Germans in rounding up Jews. Emanuel Ringelblum wrote (in December 1942): “The Jewish police had a bad reputation even before the deportation. Unlike the Polish police, which did not take part in the abduction for the labour camps [from spring 1941], the Jewish police did engage in this dirty work. The police were also notorious for their shocking corruption and demoralization.” See Abraham Lewin, A Cup of Tears: A Diary of the Warsaw Ghetto (Oxford and New York: Basil Black in association with the Institute for Polish-Jewish Studies, Oxford, 1988), 17, 19.

10 A Jew from Warsaw recalled the arrival of the Germans in September 1939: “Long lines of people were standing for hours to get water. I remember waiting in line one morning, when a German guard approached me and asked, ‘Bist du ein Jude?’ (‘Are you a Jew?’). When I replied, ‘Yes, I am,’ he said to me, ‘I don’t care how long you’ve been standing in line, Jews must go to the end of the line. Do it right now. That is where Jews belong.’ This was my first encounter with the German occupation forces.” See Abraham Alpert, A Spark of Life ([United States]: n.p., 1981), 2–3.

11 Yehuda Bauer has acknowledged that in the larger ghettos, it was the Jewish councils that provided the Germans with lists and cooperated in the handing over of victims. According to that historian, the Jewish police played a “major role” in the deportation of the Warsaw Jews to Treblinka in the summer of 1942, with similar roles being played by the Jewish police forces in Łódź, Kraków, and elsewhere. See Yehuda Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 143–44, 154. The ghetto in Grodno followed a typical pattern: “The Judenrat was compelled to prepare lists of names, transfer Jews from one ghetto to another, and declare that the deportees were, supposedly, being sent to places of work. … Very severe criticism of the Jewish police was lodged by the survivors of the Grodno ghetto for their attempt to save themselves by fulfilling their duties in a most meticulous manner. Only a few policemen refrained from collaborating with the Germans … even during the February [1942] Aktion some policemen uncovered hiding places and turned in Jews to the Germans.” See Shmuel Spector, ed., Lost Jewish Worlds: The Communities of Grodno, Lida, Olkieniki, Vishay (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1996), 161–62. The same pattern held true in the smaller ghettos as well. The Jewish community of Suwałki was charged by the Germans, already in September 1939, with the task of compiling a list of all the Jews of that city. See Yehezkel Berlson, “The Destruction of Suwalk,” in Leslie Sherer and Arthur Leonard, eds., Jewish Community Book: Suwalk and Vicinity (Tel Aviv: The Yair–Abraham Stern–Publishing House, 1989), 50.

12 Krzysztof Urbański, Zagłada Żydów w Dystrykcie Radomskim (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Akademii Pedagogicznej, 2004), 74.

13 Trunk, Judenrat, 499. For example, the Jewish police were used to expel Jews from their homes and during their execution in the cemetery in Skała near Kraków. See Ireneusz Cieślik, Olgierd Dziechciarz and Krzysztof Kocjan, eds., Olkusz: Zagłada i pamięć: Dyskusja o ofiarach wojny i świadectwa ocalałych Żydów (Olkusz: Olkuskie Stowarzyszenie Kulturalne “Brama”, 2007), 305, 306.

14 Szymon Datner, a long-time director of the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw, has stated that the Holocaust “cannot be charged against the Poles. It was German work and it was carried out by German hands. The Polish police were employed in a very marginal way, in what I would call keeping order. I must state with all decisiveness that more than 90% of that terrifying, murderous work was carried out by the Germans, with no Polish participation whatsoever.” See Małgorzata Niezabitowska, Remnants: The Last Jews of Poland (New York: Friendly Press, 1986), 247. This was the reverse of the situation in most other countries, including Western European ones, where often more than 90% of the work was done by the local authorities and police. According to Raul Hilberg, one of the foremost Holocaust historians, “Of all the native police forces in occupied Eastern Europe [and to this we could readily add the French and Dutch police], those of Poland were least involved in anti-Jewish actions. … The Germans could not view them as collaborators, for in German eyes they were not even worthy of that role. They in turn could not join the Germans in major operations against Jews or Polish resistors, lest they be considered traitors by virtually every Polish onlooker. Their task in the destruction of the Jews was therefore limited.” See Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe, 1933–1945 (New York: Aaron Asher Books/Harper Collins, 1992), 92–93. As Hilberg points out, the SS and German Police employed Ukrainian forces in ghetto-clearing operations not only in the Galician District but also in such places as Warsaw and Lublin. See Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Third edition, vol. 2, 545. The most important monograph on the Polish police, or “blue” police (policja granatowa) as they were popularly known because of the navy blue colour of their uniforms, is the aforementioned study by Adam Hempel, Pogrobowcy klęski: Rzecz o policji “granatowej” w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1990). The “blue” police was formed by the Germans, as a contiuation of the prewar Polish criminal police force. Participation was compulsory under threat of arrest of their family for desertion. It performed such duties as enforcing the curfew, patrolling the streets, etc. By mid-1943, its composition was about 70 percent Polish. The remainder was 20 percent Ukrainian and Belorussian, and 10 percent Volksdeutsche. The latter were used by the Germans in an enforcer role. Unlike the Ukrainian police, the “blue” police’s cooperation with the Germans was administrative, not political. Individually, however, some of its members did wilfully serve the Germans for personal gain, and the Germans sometimes formed police battalions from these degenerates. About one in forty policemen in Warsaw took part in the search for fugitive Jews in 1943, and turned them over to the Germans. Some policemen blackmailed Jews, while others, as described later, helped them. In 1941, the police commandant of Warsaw, Oberleutnant Jarke complained that the German police was forced into armed action in the ghetto because the “blue” police remained passive.

15 Like most Polish collaborators, who were either opportunists or who became entangled with the Germans because they were blackmailed after being caught in compromising situations, few Jewish collaborators were actually ideological supporters of Nazi Germany. Florian Majewski (Moshe Lajbcygier), who survived the war as a member of the Home Army, where he served in a unit that pursued colaborators, describes several operations directed at Poles who had been “recruited” into the service of the Grmans in the latter manner, yet the Polish underground did not hesitate to order their execution. Majewski does not record any activities by the Home Army or Polish collaborators directed at Jews. See Florian Mayevski with Spencer Bright, Flame without Smoke: The Memoirs of a Polish Partisan (London and Portland, Oregon: Vallentine Mitchell, 2003), 91–109.

16 Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, vol. 1, 189.

17 Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen, and Volker Reiss, ‘Those Were the Days’: The Holocaust through the Eyes of the Perpetrators and Bystanders (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1991), 4; Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, eds., Nazism 1919–1945: A History in Documents and Eyewitness Accounts, vol. II: Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination (New York: Schocken, 1988), 939.

18 Shimon Huberband, Kiddush Hashem: Jewish Religious and Cultural Life in Poland During the Holocaust (Hoboken, New Jersey: Ktav Publishing House, and Yeshiva University Press, 1987), 323; Janina Hera, Polacy ratujący Żydów: Słownik (Warsaw: Neriton, 2014), 87 n.191. The Jewish community petitioned the insurance company for 1,000,000 złoty, the amount for which one of the synagogues was insured, but the claim was rejected.

19 Martin Dean, ed., Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, in association with the United States Memorial Museum, 2012), vol. II: Ghettos in German-Occupied Eastern Europe, Part A, 101.

20 Jacob Birnbaum, “Piotrkow Trybunalski: the Last Chapter,” in Roman Mogilanski, comp. and ed., The Ghetto Anthology: A Comprehensive Chronicle of the Extermination of Jewry in Nazi Death Camps and Ghettos in Poland (Los Angeles: American Congress of Jews from Poland and Survivors of Concentration camps and Nazi Victims of Piotrkow Trybunalski, 1985), 8.

21 See, for example, Dean, Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945, vol. II, Part A, 65 (Kowale Pańskie), 161 (Sławków).

22 Ingo Haar, “German Ostforschung and Anti-Semitism,” in Ingo Haar and Michael Fahlbusch, eds., German Scholars and Ethnic Cleansing, 1919–1945 (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2005), 12.

23 Tatiana Berenstein and Adam Rutkowski, Assistance to the Jews in Poland, 1939–1945 (Warsaw: Polonia Publishing House, 1963), 19.

24 Franciszek J. Proch, Poland’s Way of the Cross, 1939–1945 (New York: Polish Association of Former Political Prisoners of Nazi and Soviet Concentration Camps, 1987), 50. Confirmation of the hanging in Płaszów in June 1942 by Jewish policemen of of 12 Poles and Jews can be found in the testimony of Fajwel Kornberg, Jewish Historical Institute (Warsaw) archive, record group 301, number 4117.

25 Jacob Celemenski, Elegy For My People: Memoirs of an Underground Courier of the Jewish Labor Bund in Nazi-Occupied Poland, 1939–45 (Melbourne: The Jacob Celemenski Memorial Trust, 2000), 225.

26 Wiktoria Śliwowska, ed., The Last Eyewitnesses: Children of the Holocaust Speak (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1998), 31.

27 Berenstein and Rutkowski, Assistance to the Jews in Poland, 1939–1945, 19. On German propaganda see also Jan Grabowski, “German Anti-Jewish Propaganda in the Generalgouvernement, 1939–1945: Inciting Hate through Posters, Films, and Exhibitions,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies, vol. 23, no. 3 (Winter 2009): 381–412. Unfortunately Grabowski’s study is rather skewed: he cites reports about Polish society very selectively (e.g., Jan Karski’s report of February 1940 which described Jewish collaboration under the Soviet occupation) and ignores many favourable reports (e.g., the reaction of Poles to the Warsaw ghetto uprising); he pushes negative stereotypical generalizations about Poles (e.g., “many Poles construed anti-Jewish activities as fundamentally patriotic”, etc.); and he does not appreciate the demonstrable inefficacy of German anti-Jewish propaganda (e.g., it did not inhibit widespread trade with Jews).

28 Jacob Shepetinski, Jacob’s Ladder (London: Minerva Press, 1966), 45.

29 Andrzej Żbikowski, “Antysemityzm, szmalcownictwo, wsółpraca z Niemcami a stosunki polsko-żydowskie pod okupacją niemiecką,” in Żbikowski, Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939–1945, 446.

30 Marian Małowist, “Assimilationists and Neophytes at the Time of War-Operations and in the Closed Jewish Ghetto,” in Joseph Kermish, ed., To Live With Honor and Die With Honor!…: Selected Documents from the Warsaw Ghetto Underground Archives “O.S/” [“Oneg Shabbath”] (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1986), 619–34, at 631, 633.

31 Emanuel Ringelblum, Kronika getta warszawskiego: Wrzesień 1939–styczeń 1943 (Warsaw: Czytelnik, 1983), 118.

32 Diary of Jehoszua Albert cited in Marcin Urynowicz, “Stosunki polsko-żydowskie w Warszawie w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej,” in Żbikowski, Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939–1945, 563.

33 Rubin Katz, Gone to Pitchipoï: A Boy’s Desperate Fight for Survival in Wartime (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2013), 200–1.

34 Yitzhak Katzenelson, The Song of the Murdered Jewish People (Tel Aviv: Ghetto Fighters’ House/Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 1980), 104.

35 Stanislaw Szmajzner, Inferno em Sobibor: A tragédia de um adolescente judeu (Rio de Janeiro: Edições Bloch, 1968).

36—Survivors of an Extermination Camp, Nederlands Instituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie, Internet:
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