Book I the Sultanate Period Chapters /. The Arabs and the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent 1



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MUSLIM CIVILISATION OF INDIA AND PAKISTAN
Legacy of Muslim Era. In the Indo-Pak subcontinent Muslims came across a civilisation which, in many respects, was a complete antithesis of Islam. Hindus had highly developed speculative and contemplative arts, but, under caste system, life had little to offer, materially or spiritually, to the lower classes who constituted the vast majority of the population. Caste determined every phase of human life, the profession to be adopted and the knowledge to be aquired. A Hindu scholar, summing up the condition of the Hindu society in those days, writes:
”The power of the Brahmins had become oppressive. The rules of caste became more and more stringent as Kulinism was stereotyped. While better ideals in religion were upheld by the Brahmins, the gap between man and man was widened by caste restrictions. The lower strata of society groaned under the autocracy of the higher, who shut the portals of learning against the inferior classes. They were also debarred from having any access to a higher lite, and the religion of the new school (Puranik) became the monopoly of the Brahmins as if it were the commodity of the market place.”1
Islam was a stranger to all this. In India, Islam played a humanitarian and liberating role partly by offering, within its fold, complete equality and an opportunity for social, economic, intellectual, and spiritual development, to the millions who were leading a sub-human existance. Speaking of the influence of Islam on converts in Bengal, Sir William Hunter wrote:

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”To these poor people, fishermen, hunters, pirates, and low-caste tillers of the soil, Islam came as a revelation from on high. It was the creed of the ruling race, its missionaries were men of zeal who brought the Gospel of the unity of God and the equality of man in its sight to a despised and neglected population. . . .It appealed to the people, and it derived the great mass of its converts from the poor. It brought in a higher conception of God, and a nobler idea of the brotherhood of man. It offered to the teeming low castes of Bengal, who had sat for ages abject on the outermost pale of the Hindu community, a free entrance into a new social organisation.”2
The indirect results of the impact of Islam on the structure of Hindu society were no less important. After its contact with Islam the character of Hinduism was materially changed. A new conception of human relationship began to grow in Hindu society; reformers such as Ramanand, Nanak, and Chaitanya arose in all parts of the country, and began to preach against the rigidity of caste, emphasising the importance of good deeds rather than of birth. As a result, the rigours of the caste system were softened, and life became more bearable for the lower classes.
According to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the rise of vernacular literature in India was the fruit of peace and economic prosperity under the Muslim Empire of Delhi,3 but this is not the whole truth. Peace and prosperity were, of course, conducive to literary activity, but regional literatures would not have developed if Muslim rulers had not actively assisted and patronised literary efforts in the languages of the people. Almost all Muslim courts in India maintained a tradition of encouraging art and literature, and this naturally helped the regional literatures. But it was not merely a matter of goodwill. Muslim nobles and kings could encourage popular languages because they were not hampered by the Hindu ban qn patronage of all languages except Sanskrit. For Hindus Sanskrit was the Divine language, and the powerful Brahmans threatened with Divine displeasure all those who cultivated
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other languages. Muslims were free from this taboo. They freely encouraged the languages of the people, and the part played by Muslim rulers in the rise of Bengali and Hindi has been outlined elsewhere.
Indian administration even under the British followed, in a large measure, the lines evolved in the course of centuries by ’Ala’-ud-din Khalji, Sher Shah Suri and Akbar, and extended by Aurangzeb to the Deccan. The centrallised system of government and revenue administration, which the British perfected in India, was obviously not based on the County System of old England, and was only a continuation and an improved Westernised from of the Mughal system of government. This is generally recognised. Stanley Lane Poole wrote in 1903: ”English Collector-Magistrates follow much the same system, in essential outline, as that which Akbar adopted. ...” It is not possible to dwell at length on Muslim legacy in the field of administration, but those broad aspects of political heritage which influenced national life may be briefly mentioned. The first is that Muslim rulers unified India and centralised administration as had never been the case before. Not only was the extent of ’Ala’-ud-din Khalji’s and Aurangzeb’s Empires greater than that of Asoka, but there was closer co-ordination between various parts than ever existed under any Hindu or Buddhist king. As Sir Jadunath Sarkar says:
”The Mughal empire at its greatest extent covered a large portion of our country than the Indian dominion of Asoka or Samudragupta. These Hindu empires also consisted of loosely united collections of independent provinces which did not acquire any homogeneity, nor created a sense of political unity or nationality, among their people. Each province led its own life, continued its old familiar system of government (though under the agent of the central power), and used its local tongue; on the other hand, the two hundred years of Mughal rule, from the accession of Akbar to the death of Muhammad Shah (1556-1748), gave to the whole of northern India, and much of the Deccan also, uniformity of the official language,

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administrative system and also a popular lingua franca for all classes, except the Hindu priests and the stationary village folk. Even outside the territory directly administered by the Mughal Emperors, their administrative system, official nomenclature, court etiquette, and monetary type were borrowed, more or less, by the neighbouring Hindu Rajahs.”4
The unification and centralisation which was made possible by the administrative ability and skill of the Muslim rulers, opened up a new chapter in the history of India, and led to closer political, linguistic, cultural and spiritual integration of various parts of the subcontinent. It is impossible to study all these aspects here, but the extent of Muslim influence on Indian society may be seen from the fact that the consolidation of Hinduism owed not a little to the political consolidation of India. Sir Jadunath Sarkar has summed up the following as ”the gifts of the Muslim age to India”:
”(/) Restoration of touch with the outer world, which included the revival of an Indian navy and sea-borne trade both of which had been lost since the decline of the Cholas.
”(//) Internal peace over a large part of India, especially north of the Vindhyas.
”(/«’) Uniformity secured by the imposition of the same type of administration.
”(/v) Uniformity of social manners and dress among the upper classes, irrespective of creed.
”(v) Indo-Saracen art, in which the medieval Hindu and Chinese schools were blended together. Also, a new style of architecture, and the promotion of industries of a refined kind (e.g. shawl, inlaying work, kimkhwab, muslin, carpet, etc.).
”(v/) A common lingua franca, called Hindustani or Rekhta, and an offical prose style (mostly the creation of Hindu munshis writing Persian, and even
665 Muslim Civilisation of India and Pakistan [ Ch 28
borrowed by the Maratha chitnises for their own vernacular).
”(VH) Rise of our vernacular literature, as the fruits of peace an economic prosperity under the empire of Delhi.
(viii) Monotheistic religious revival and Sufism.
”(jci) Historical literature.
(x) Improvements in the art of war and in civilisation in general.”5
Impact of Indo-Muslim Culture in Foreign Lands. It is commonly assumed that Muslim India was only ”at the receiving end,” and made no contribution to the cultural or spiritual life of other countries. This view is not correct. The Subject has yet to be studied properly, but there are enough indications to show that, although the attention of Indian Muslims was devoted largely to the huge problems within the Indo-Pak subcontinent, their spiritual and cultural impact on the outside world, especially Muslim countries, was not negligible. To take religious influences first, the celebrated Dutch scholar Dr. Snouck Hurgronje has established that the spread of Islam in Malaya and Indonesia was the work of missionaries and traders from the Indo-Pak subcontinent. The study of the cultural life of Malaya by Sir Richard Winstedt has also shown that the cultural and literary life in Malaya was closely modelled on that of Muslim India. From the middle of the seventeenth century influence of Muslims or Hind-Pakistan increased, particularly on account of those saints and scholars who settled in Hijaz. They included Shaikh Sibghat Allah of Broach, who established a monastery near Medina and became a renowned teacher. His pupil Shaikh Ahmad Shanawi was the teacher of Maulana Ahmad Qashashi (1071/1660), whose pupils included well-known Indonesian scholars and authors, like ’Abd al-Ra’uf. European scholars also speak highly of Nur-ud-din Randeri (originally from Rander, near Surat), who settled down in Indonesia and wrote a large number of works

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in the Malayan language during the middle of the seventeenth century. Winstedt writes about him:
”A stern critic of the heterodox views of two Sumatran pantheists was Shaikh Nur-ud-Din bin Ali al-Raniri, son of a Qujarati by a Malay mother, a prolific author who settled in Achch and wrote a well-known book on the pillars of Islam called Sirat al-Mustakim and a scholarly history entitled Bustan al-Salatin, ’The Garden of Kings, with a conclusion on science, including physiognomy and medicine. He wrote also many polemical treatises. . . . Nur-ud-Din was highly educated and is one of the most distinguished thinkers who wrote in Malay. ”6
The influence of Indian Islam was even more marked in the areas towards the west. From the dawn of the Muslim rule inany pious and able individuals moved to Iraq, Hijaz and other areas in the heart of the Muslim world, and made important contributions to the cultural and religious life of their adopted homelands. Contact between Arabia and India was most extensive during the Arab rule in Sind, and, in an earlier chapter, we have referred to some Sindhi scholars who distinguished themselves in Baghdad. Amongst them Bu’Ali jjindhi, by initiating the great sufi Bayazid Bustami in Tauhid, profoundly influenced the history of sufi thought. In the flhaznavid period, we come across the great scholar, Imam flasan Saghani~the traditionalist, philologist and diplomat who mined prominence at the Abbasid court. To more recent times Belongs Murtada Zabidi, a native of Bilgram and a pupil of $hah Wali Allah, who lived so long at Zabid in Yemen, that he £ame to be known as Zabidi and even scholars like D. B. jilacdonald have made a mistake about his place of origin. Ultimately he moved to Cairo to become ”the best scholar of [is age, not only in Egypt, but in the whole of the Islamic ”. His ten volume commentary on the Qamus was the foundation of Lane’s Arabic Lexicon, and, according to p. B. Macdonald, profoundly influenced the course of Islamic studies and intellectual trends.7 Another native of the Indo-Pak subcontinent, who gained renown in foreign lands was Rahmat
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Muslim Civilisation of India and Pakistan [ Ch 28
Allah al-Hindi. Apart from the foundation of Madrassah-i Saulatiyyah in Mecca, he wrote Izhar al-Haqq ”the first great classic of modern Muslim polemic” against Christianity, which, according to Dorman, ”has never been superseded”. Originally written in Persian, it was translated into Arabic, Turkish, French, English and German. The Arabic version has been repeatedly printed in Egypt, and became the basis for subsequent Muslim polemical writing in dealing with the Christian missionaries in the Ottoman Empire and elsewhere.
The contribution of Muslim India to the history of Sufism in Bilad-i Islam was even more noteworthy. The historians of Islam in Sudan have recorded that the most popular sufi order in that country, i.e. Qaddiriyyah, was introduced there by an Indian Muslim, Taj-ud-din Bihari. Perhaps even more important was the spread of the Naqshbahdiyyah-Mujaddiyyah order in the Ottoman Empire. Naqshbandiyyah order originated in Central Asia, and one might have reasonably expected that the branch of the order established in Turkey would be from Central Asia direct. Actually this is not so. The sufi order which originally became popular in the Ottoman Turkey was the local order of Baktashis, but it was later superseded by the Mujaddidiyyah (Indian) branch of the Naqshbandiyyah order. The most important spiritual link between Muslim India and Ottoman Turkey was provided by Shaikh Kahlid Kurd of Sulaimaniyyah (1190-1231/1776-1816), who studied under Shah Ghulam ’Ali and Shah ’Abd al-’Aziz of Delhi and returned to Kurdistan to become the foremost saint of that country.8
Spiritual contacts between Muslim India and other Muslim countries through intinerant saints and wandering scholars have yet to be studied by historians. It is, however, interesting to read in works like Gibb’s History of Ottoman Poetry that in two out of four classical periods, Turkish poets followed HindPakistan. The third period, beginning with the end of the sixteenth century, was dominated by the style of ’Urfi and Faidi and in the fourth period, roughly corresponding with the eighteenth century, the influence of Sa’ib and Bedil,9 along

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with that of Shaukat was dominant. Bedil is even now one of the most popular poets in Afghanistan and Tajikistan, and the influence of Sabk-i Hindi outside the borders of the Indo-Pak subcontinent would be an interesting study.
Cultural contacts between Mughal India and Ottoman Empire must have been reasonably close, in spite of distance. We find that the fame of Mulla ’Abd al-Hakim of Sialkot reached Turkey during his lifetime. The celebrated Turkish bibliographer, Haji Khalifah, refers to him in his Kashf alZunun and says that his commentary on Khiyali’s book was the best amongst many. Political embassies between Mughal Emperors and Ottoman Sultans were seldom successful, but the reception which Dara Shukoh’s scholarly envoy, Mulla Shauqi,10 received at the hands of scholars in Istanbul was warm and sincere. It is even more interesting to see that, in the eighteenth century, the legal compendium most extensively used in the Ottoman Empire was the one compiled in Muslim India under the supervision of Emperor Aurangzeb. Sir Hamilton Gibb, and Professor Bowen write in their Islamic Society and the West: ”Indeed it vas compendium of legal decisions, the Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, compiled by a commission of jurists in India about the end of the seventeenth century, which was one of the books most widely used in the Ottoman lands in the eighteenth”11 century. They quote the famous author Muradi about these fatwas: ’They became famous in the Hijaz, Egypt, Syria and Rum, were unversally used, and formed a source upon which the Muftis drew for their Fatwas.”12
There are indications of attention being given to literature and art produced in Muslim India, even in Western Europe. The modern study of Hinduism in Europe began with Dupont’s Latin translation of Dara Shukoh’s Srr-i Akbar. The celebrated European painters were also showing lively interest in Mughal miniatures. ”The fact that no less a figure than the great Rembrandt was one of the first to be captivated by the artistic quality of figural paintings from a Muslim country speaks for itself. He owned a collection of twenty-five Mughal miniatures
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Muslim Civilisation of India and Pakistan
Ch28
which he liked so much that he copied them when, about 1656, adverse conditions forced him to part with them. That it was not an unusual caprice of Rembrandt to have such miniatures in his possession is shown by the fact that the same paintings were later owned by several leading English painters of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries. The president of the Royal Academy, Sir Joshua Reynolds, greatly admired another fine set, now one of the treasures of the British Museum.”13
Spirit of Indo-Muslim Culture. We have come to the end of our account of Muslim civilisation during the period of Muslim rule in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Its warp and woof was made up of four different strands-the indigenous (which includes not only the Indian, but also the Afghan element), the Islamic (or Arabic), the Turkish and the Persian. Recently, there has been a tendency to overlook the indigenous component, but its influence is deep-rooted and allpervading. It has been powerful, not only on account of the predominantly non-Muslim environment in which Indo-Muslim culture developed and because of the heritage of an ancient civilisation, but because of the Indian origin of the vast majority of the Muslim of the Indo-Pak subcontinent. The Indian element is in their very blood, and shows itself, not only in numerous usages and practices carried over from their ancestral Hindu, society, but even in unconsious reactions and basic mental make-up. The influence of Islam has been equally comprehensive, and, with the vigorous Islamic revival of the later centuries, has tended to overshadow the indigenous element. The Turkish rulers and aristocracy contributed most in the sphere of government, law, dress, and food. The Persian contribution was prominent in the realm of literature, tine arts, mysticism and philosophy.
Essentially, however, the two basic components of IndoMuslim civilisation which give this civilisation its peculiar flavour were two-the Indian and the Islamic. It represents the creative efforts and reactions of a Muslim society in a

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predominantly non-Muslim area. This peculiar situation has resulted in developments and trends which distinguished the course of Muslim civilisation in this subcontinent from developments in countries where population is predominantly Muslim. This peculiar situation of Indian Islam and the dissimilarity between two main elements of Indo-Muslim civilisation has resulted in a curious phenomenon. At times the attractions of the native element proved powerful, and there was a largescale assimilation of indigenous elements, as under Akbar, Dara Shukoh, and in the writings of Kabir. At other times there was a vigorous reaction against non-Muslim elements, resulting in greater repugnance towards them then was traditional in the history of Islam. These two conflicting trends, inherent in the local situation, have had other consequences too. It is not without significance that the puritanical Wahabism has won maximum support, outside its own desert home, in the Indo-Pak subcontinent. The presence of large non-Muslim element has also been a persistent challenge for missionary effort, in which Muslims of the subcontinent have distinguished themselves, even m recent times. The vast resources of wealth at the disposal of the Muslim rulers have also been a major factor in the quality and grandeur of the Muslim civilisation in the subcontinent.
The local situation has resulted in a basic conflict, which, as Tripathi has pointed out, we can easily see even in two sons of Shah Jahan-Aurangzeb and Dara Shukoh--and which may be called the basic dilemma of Indian Islam. This situation has resulted in tensions and occasionally in conflicts, but, outside somewhat narrow circles, the long-term result of two heterogeneous elements constituting the warp and woof and Indian Islam has been a growth of fobearance and toleration of conflicting practices and beliefs. Conflicts could not persist indefinitely, and inevitably an attitude of ”live and let live” was developed. The degree of religious tolerance prevalent in Mughal India struck all foreign travellers. Bartold in his survey of Muslim culture, comparing the Muslim civilisation in the
671 Muslim Ciwlisanon of India and Pakistan ( Ch 28
Indo-Pak subcontinent with developments in other Muslim lands, pinpoints this fact. ”Only India under the grand Mughals lived under different conditions and the Islamic State in that country was superior to contemporary Europe in riches and religious toleration.” This toleration extended, not only towards non-Muslims, but also to the minority sects of Islam., Perhaps in no country outside Iran, where Shi’ahism is the State religion, has Shi’ah genius had such an opportunity for making a contribution in the realm of literature, administration, and statecraft. Even in the religious sphere the contributions of Shi’ah leaders, like Mulla Muhammad Yazdi in Akbar’s days and Syed Ameer Ali in the modern times, has not been confined to their own sects. Sunnis, on the other hand, have not hasitated to follow Shi’ah leaders, and in fact a good few of them are Tafdilis in sentiment, if not in belief. All this has been possible because of the normal prevalence of an attitude of toleration. This forbearance, subject to deep attachment to Islam, which is a characteristic of the Muslims in the subcontinent, extends, relatively speaking, to the European civilisation also.
In the realm of fine arts there has been great collaboration between Muslims and non-Muslims Music, as patronised by Muslim rulers and practised by Muslim artists, -was fundamentally Hindu. Mughal painting was essentially Persian in origin, but the lists of the distinguished native artists at the Mughal court contained more Hindu names than Muslims. Even in architecture, in certain areas (e.g. Gujarat) and at certain times, Hindu influence was not small.
In understanding the character of the Muslim approach to the problems in the Indo-Pak subcontinent, it is worth remembering that, although revivalist thinkers like Hadrat Mujaddid Alf-i Thani and Iqbal have exercised a powrful influence, the religious teacher with the greatest following and influence has easily been Shah Wali Allah, perhaps the most catholic and broadminded of religious reformers of the modern Muslim world. He, his sons, and their disciples dominated the

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Muslim thought during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and their influence is very much alive today. The powerful jihad movement which they organised in the north-west did not succeed, but the religious revival which their followers brought about in Bengal was a movement of utmost importance. More than that, they reorganised religious education on lines which have been adopted in almost all madrasahs and which are a major factor in shaping Muslim minds.
A position similar to that of Shah Wali Allah in the religious sphere has been occupied by Ghalib in recent times, in the literary field. He was the father of Urdu prose, the greatest of Urdu poets and in Persian poetry only ranks below Amir Khusrau and Iqbal. He has been universally popular with Hindus and Muslims, and his poetry reflects a personality of broad s\mpahties, deep humanity and liberal views. Amir Khusrau who occupied a similar position in the pre-Mughal period, and may be said to have laid the foundation of the Indo-Muslim cultural tradition, displayed the same qualities.
The personalities and contributions of Akbar and Mujaddid Alf-i-Thani, Dara Shukoh and Aurangzeb are of great interest, and particularly the role of Mujaddid and Aurangzeb in reactivating and consolidating Islam has been a greatest importance, but, perhaps, they represented extreme swings of the pendulum. The normal Muslim tradition in the subcontinent has been of ”the middle of the road”-represented by Khawajah Mu’in-ud-din Ajmeri, Shah Wali Allah, Amir

• Khusrau and Ghalib. Such, at any rate, was the position during the period which has been dealt with in this book. It ended with the great struggle of 1857 in which Hindus and Muslimthe Rani of Jhansi and Nana Farnavis as well as the Mujahids of Bareli and Prince Birjis Qadr of Oudh-led the rebellion against the British in the name of the Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah. This state of affairs was not, however, to last very long. Partly due to the forces which were released during the British period and partly owing to the fundarrental divergence between the Hindu and Muslim points of view, the


67^ Muslim Ciwluation of India and Pakistan [ Ch 28
equilibrium which had been maintained during the Muslim rule was upset and the basis for harmony destroyed. Owing to the vigorous Hindu revivalism of the nineteenth century, exhibiting itself in the movements for replacement of Urdu by Hindi and in the works of such influential writers as Bankim Chander Chatterji, the rise of the militant Arya Samaj and due to other economic, political and ideological factors, the basis for harmony was shattered and Muslims asked for a division of the subcontinent. This, however, belongs to another period and will be dealt with in a separate volume.

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NOTES & REFERENCES
1 D C Sen, History of Bengali Language and Literature, pp 41^ 14
2 ”The Religions of India,” The Times, 25 January 1888, quoted in T. W. Arnold The Preaching of Islam pp 279-80
3 J N Sarkar, India Through the Ages, p 55 ’ ’,
4 Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p 238
5 Sarkar, India Through the Ages p 55
6 R Wmtedt, Cultural Life of Malaga, pp 148-49 .
7 D B Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology Jurisprudence and Constitutional Theory, p 285
8 See Rose’s edition of Broun s Denishes, p 446, regarding Shaikh Kahlid’s eminence A modern Turkish scholar, Dr Kufarvi, made the h.story of NaqshbandiNjah order in Turkey the subject matter of his thesis for PhD degree In this he was devoted a separate chapter to Indian influences For details regarding Asf al Ma*and, an Arabic biography of Shaikh Khalid, see Catalogue of Bankipur Libran, XII, 90
9 Z Ahmad, Contribution of India to Arabic Literature, p 92
10 ML Royehaudhurj The Dm-i Ilahi
11 p 117
12 Ibid , footnote
13 T C Young, Ed , Near Eastern Culture and Society, pp 20-21.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
General
Cambridge History of India, The, Vols in and IV, for detailed political history and bibliography
Ikxam, S. M. Ab-i Kauthar, Rud-i Kauthar and Mauj-i Kauthar -, and Percival Spear, Eds., The Cultural Heritage of
Pakistan
Majumdar, R. C., Advanced History of India, Part II Morel and, W. H. The Agrarian System of Moslem India Qureshi, Ishtiaq Husain, The Muslim Community of IndoPakistan Subcontinent
Chapter 1
Elliot, Sir Henry, Ed , The History of India As Told by Its own
Historians
Majumdar, R. C., ”Arab Conquest of Sind,” Journal of the
Indian History (1931), Madras
Nadvi, Abu Zafar, Tarikh-i Sind (Urdu) Nadvi Sulaiman, ’ Arab Aur Hind ke Ta’alluqat
Chapter 2
Bosworth, C. E., The Ghaznavids
Ghani. M. A., Pre-Mughal Persian Literature in Hindustan
Muhammad Nazim, Dr., Sultan Mahmud of Ohazna
Chapter 3
Habibullah, A. B. M., The foundation of Muslim Rule in India Nadvi, Sabahuddin ’Abd al-Rahman, Bazm-i Mamlukiyah Raveny, H. G., Trans, with Annotation, Tabaqat-i Nasiri

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Chapters 4-8
’Afif, Shams-i Siraj, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi
Barani, Diya’-ud-din, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi
’Isami, Futuh al-Salatin (Madras Univ)
Mahdi Hasan, Dr., Rihlah or Travels of Ibn Battutah
Chapter 9
History of Bengal, Vol. II, published by Dacca Univ. Salim, Ghulam Husain, Rlyad al-Salatin Sherwani, H.k., The Bahmanis of the Deccan Sufi, G.M.D., Kashlr, Vols. I & II Tarikh-i Firishtah (Persian)
Chapters 70-77
Ashraf, K. M., Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan Qureshi, I. H.. Administrative System of the Dehli Sultanate Tripathi, R.R. Some Aspects of Muslims Administration
Chapter 72
Brown, Percy. Indian Architecture (Islamic Period) Law, N.N., Promotion of Learning in India under Muhammadan Rule Mirza, Wahid, Amir Khusrau
Chapter 13
Orr, W. G., A Sixteenth-Century Indian Mystic
Tara Chand, Dr., Influence of Islam on Indian Culture
Chapters 14-15
Ishwari Prasad, Humayun Padshah
Qanugo, Dr.K. R. Sher Shah
Rushbrook-Williams, An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth
Century
677
Select Bibliography
Chapter 16
Abu al-Fadl, A’in-i Akbari

- ->Akbar Namah


Chapter 17
Bada’uni, ’Abd al-Qadir, Muntakhabat al-Tawarikh Maclagan, E., Jesuits and the Great Moghul Payne, C. H. Akbar and the Jesuits
:
Chapter 18
Faruqi, Burhan Ahmad, The Mujaddid’s Conception ofTawhid Ikram, S. M. Rud-i Kauthar Kashmi, Hashim, Tubdat al-Maqamat Maktubat-i Mujaddid Alf-i Thani
Chapter 19
Beni Prasad, History ofJahangir
Paslessart, Jahangir’s India
Rogers and Beveridge, Tuzuk-i Jahangiri
Chapter 20
Hasrat, B, J., Dara Shikoh, Life and Works
Qanungo, K. R., Dara Shukoh
Saksena, Dr. B.P., History of Shah Jahan
Chapter 21
Faruki, Zahir-ud-din, Aurangzeb and His Times
Haig, Sir Wolseley, Ed. (Khafi Khan) Muntakhab al-Lubob
Sarkar, J. N., Anecdotes of Aurangzeb
,History of Aurangzeb
Chapter 22
Ghulam Husain, Siyar al-Muta’akhirin Keene, H. G., Fall of the Moghul Empire
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